The 1915 campaign revealed the true extent of the world war and outlined further stages for its completion. The determination of Great Britain to break the military and naval power of Germany as the most dangerous rival for dominion on the seas was clearly revealed. The struggle with Germany, which began in the political sphere several years before the armed conflict, was conducted in terms of the plan and scope of its economic strangulation, as the most reliable way to bring it to its knees. Due to the economic situation, Germany had to fight a short, decisive war according to the Schlieffen plan of operations. But it failed; England skillfully took advantage of this and based the Entente’s action plan on slowly exhausting German energy. The 1915 campaign develops the struggle of both coalitions at the collision of these opposing aspirations. Germany continues to try to strike a decisive blow and, at the same time, move apart the iron ring that is squeezing it ever tighter. In appearance, Germany's military achievements in 1915 were enormous: Eastern Front - the Russian army was finally pushed back from its borders into the swamps of Polesie (beyond the Stokhod River) and paralyzed at least until the late spring of next year; Galicia is liberated; Poland and part of Lithuania are cleared of Russians; Austria-Hungary is saved from ultimate defeat; Serbia is destroyed; Bulgaria joined the Central Union; Romania refused to join the Entente; the complete failure of the Dardanelles expedition and the precarious position of the Anglo-French troops at Thessaloniki. All these laurels of German weapons in 1915 could reassure the Central Powers of the final victory. Even Italy’s military performance provides an opportunity for its ally, Austria, to restore its military prestige with cheap successes. The merciless submarine war that was undertaken, although it soon died down, revealed in German hands a formidable means of infringing on the vital interests of England.

But the results of the victory in the east could seem especially abundant for Germany, going far beyond just the defeat of the Russian army. Inside Russia, general dissatisfaction with the existing regime broke out, which showed a complete inability to cope with the supply of the front and with the elimination of food difficulties in the country itself. The autocracy seriously wavered, and in the frequent changes of some ministers one could only see the blindness and impotent stubbornness of the supreme power to ignore the formidable harbingers of the impending revolution. Under the pressure of internal discontent in the country, an outlet was opened for the manifestation of “public initiative” to help the government supply the front. On June 7, 1915, a Special Meeting was formed to provide the army with supplies with the participation of State Duma deputies and representatives of industrialists. At the same time, military-industrial committees arose with the goal of uniting and regulating the activities of industry for the needs of war. The total number of such committees reached 200. By 1917, the results of this activity of the bourgeoisie, of course, greatly facilitated the work of the military department, but at the same time, this activity prepared the transfer of power from the decaying tsarism into the hands of the bourgeois parties. Germany was already quite confident in the Russian revolution, and such confidence served as one of the reasons to plan a strike on France at Verdun by 1916.

But along with the listed great achievements of the central coalition in 1915, some fractures within this so far victorious alliance could not hide from the inquisitive eye. The most serious danger, not yet clearly felt in the depths of the people of Germany and Austria-Hungary, was the prospect of a long war, on which the Entente relied. The submarine war stirred up public opinion in America and in England itself it was cleverly used by Lloyd George to implement the law on universal conscription, as a result of which Great Britain could eventually field up to 5,000 thousand soldiers. Meanwhile, if official Germany still breathed the slogan “win or die,” then all its allies were numb pendants that had to be constantly revived with material support in all forms, since otherwise they would turn into dead ballast. Germany, which by the end of 1915 itself already felt an extreme lack of many vital resources for the struggle, had to share them with Austria, Turkey, and Bulgaria.

The awareness of this true, not ostentatious position among the commanding tops of Germany is confirmed by the fact that twice in 1915 its government probed the ground for concluding a separate peace with Russia. Falkenhayn twice raised the issue of this peace with the Imperial Chancellor. At the second attempt in July 1915, Bethmann-Hollweg willingly agreed and took some diplomatic steps, which met with resistance from Russia, and Germany, as Falkenhayn writes, considered it more appropriate to “temporarily completely destroy the bridges to the East.”

The German population was finally transferred to starvation rations and felt a complete lack of the most necessary food products, which could not be eliminated by any food substitutes. These deprivations had a depressing effect on the people's psyche, especially when the long-term nature of the war began to become clear.

The German fleet - this is the expression of the "German future on the seas" - was firmly locked in the "sea triangle" (Helgoland Bight) and, after a timid attempt to be active in January 1915 at the Dogger Bank, doomed itself to complete inactivity. In return, the German high command began to launch zeppelin raids on Paris and London. But these raids were considered random means of intimidating the civilian population of the capitals and, after taking air defense measures, could not produce major results. By the end of 1915, with the rapid development of the military industry, the Entente had already caught up with Germany in the supply of technical means of combat, especially heavy artillery shells, and later began to even surpass it.

At the turn of 1915 and 1916. England and France acquired much more confidence in their final victory than a year earlier, and the upcoming loss of Russia from the alliance was replaced by preparations for the entry of the United States into the alliance, to which the efforts of Great Britain were already directed. Finally, the results of the 1915 campaign on the Russian Front raised the question of Russia's position. There was no longer any doubt that the existing regime was leading the country to final defeat, and the Entente sought to quickly squeeze out all the benefits for itself while the Russian army had not yet surrendered. The balance of forces of the Central Union on the Russian and French fronts at the beginning of the war and by the end of 1915 was as follows:

Troops of the Central Union:

1) At the beginning of the war:
a) against Russia - 42 infantry. and 13 cavalry. divisions;
b) against France - 80 infantry. and 10 cavalry. divisions.

a) against Russia - 116 infantry. and 24 cavalry. divisions;
b) against France - the same number of troops - 90 infantry. and 1 cavalry division.

If at the beginning of the war Russia attracted only 31% of all hostile forces, then a year later Russia attracted more than 50% of the enemy forces.

In 1915, the Russian Theater was the main theater of the world war and provided France and England with a respite, which they widely used to achieve the final victory over Germany. The 1915 campaign clearly revealed the service role of tsarism for Anglo-French capital. The 1915 campaign in the Russian Theater also revealed that Russia, economically and politically, could not adapt to the scope and nature of the war. Since the beginning of the war, the Russian army has lost almost all of its personnel (3,400 thousand people, of which 312,600 were killed and 1,548 thousand were captured and missing; 45 thousand officers and doctors, of which 6,147 were killed and 12,782 were captured and wounded). Subsequently, the Russian army could not recover enough to successfully wage a war with Germany.

On August 10, 1915, on the initiative of the State Duma and military-industrial committees, a Special Conference on Defense was formed, replenished with representatives of legislative institutions and public organizations. The regulations on them were approved only on August 27, 1915. Associations of small and medium industry were not within the purview of the military-industrial committees and did not enjoy their support.

The results of the 1915 campaign on the Eastern Front led German strategists to the idea that subsequent offensives by their army, be it against Petrograd or Ukraine, could not lead to significant results and decisively turn the tide of the war in their favor.

It should be noted that both France and England made good use of the respite presented to them in 1915. France, for example, this year increased the production of rifles by 1.5 times, cartridges by 50 times, and large guns by 5.8 times.

England, in turn, increased the production of machine guns by 5 times, aircraft - almost 10 times. In these countries, the production of chemical weapons and gas masks has sharply increased, and a completely new type of weapon has also appeared, and in considerable quantities - tanks. By 1915, the English navy had established an effective blockade of the German coast and deprived it of supplies from overseas of important raw materials and food, and in addition, London managed to mobilize the economic and human resources of its colonies and dominions, among which were such developed countries as such as Canada, Australia, New Zealand, and such densely populated countries as India (in those years, India included the territories of modern Pakistan and Bangladesh). As a result of mobilization measures, by the beginning of 1916, England was able to increase its army by 1 million 200 thousand people, France - by 1.1 million, and Russia - by 1.4 million. The total number of armies of the Entente countries by the beginning of 1916 reached such Thus, 18 million people versus 9 million who were at the disposal of the countries of the Quadruple Alliance.

Thus, when on February 21, 1916, at 8:12 a.m., the Germans launched a hitherto unprecedented artillery, air and chemical attack on Verdun, the French met the enemy fully armed. When eight hours later the Germans launched a bayonet attack, they had to take every piece of land with huge losses. After the French forces dried up and they left the strategically important fort of Duomen, General A. Petain (later sentenced to death by the French people for treason during the Second World War) managed to arrange the transfer of reserves, and by March 2 the French army doubled in size, while while the German one is only 10%. As a result, selected German units during the Verdun offensive were able to advance only 5–8 km, and their losses were so great that the Reichswehr lost the ability to conduct a massive offensive. As a result of successfully organized counterattacks, the French again reached their third defensive line, and on September 2 the German command was forced to stop further offensive. On the contrary, having launched a series of small but successful offensive operations in October and December 1916, the French completely restored their positions at Verdun.

The Battle of Verdun in a world war called “meat grinder”. In almost a year, this “meat grinder” grinded 600 thousand Germans and 350 thousand French. These were unprecedented losses of life. At Verdun, the Germans' hopes that in 1916 they would be able to turn the tide of the war in their favor were finally dispelled. They did not complete any of the tasks they had set for themselves: the fortress of Verdun was not captured, the French army was not bled dry and withdrawn from the fight, the Allied offensive on the Somme was not prevented.

Near this river east of the city of Amiens, from July 1 to November 18, 1916, a major offensive operation of Anglo-French troops took place with the goal of breaking through the German defense front and reaching the Germans in the rear. Seven days before the offensive, the French began a powerful artillery barrage, which demoralized the defenders. French troops broke through two lines of German defense, but the British in their sector were unable to support them and advanced only 2–3 km within 24 hours. A total of 32 infantry and 6 cavalry divisions, 2,189 guns, 1,160 mortars, 350 tanks under the command of General F. Foch took part in the breakthrough. On the defending side there were 8 divisions with 672 guns, 300 mortars and 114 aircraft. In 4 and a half months, the Allies brought over 50 divisions into the battle and were able to wedge 5-12 km into the enemy’s position, losing 792 thousand people. For the first time in world history, in this battle the British introduced a new type of weapon into battle - tanks. The Germans used 40 divisions, losing 538 thousand people. The Battle of the Somme became an example of the ineffective bleeding of troops. At the cost of huge losses, the allies recaptured 240 square meters from the enemy. km, but the German front continued to stand strong. Nevertheless, after this battle the Allies managed to seize the initiative, and the Germans were forced to switch to strategic defense.

According to the Entente plan, in May 1916, Italy launched the next, fifth, offensive at the Isonzo. At this point, the Austrians, under the leadership of Prince Eugene, managed to break through the Italian defenses and developed an offensive in the direction of the Po River valley. In the Trentino region, the front was broken through 60 km. In this critical operation, Rome asked the Russians to launch a major offensive in Galicia in order to divert part of the Austrian forces there. It was the offensive of the Southwestern Front that allowed the Italians to regain lost territories and stabilize the situation.

Operations on the Eastern Front were also of great importance in the 1916 campaign. In March, Russian troops, at the request of the allies in the person of Marshal Joffre, carried out an offensive operation near Lake Naroch, which significantly influenced the course of hostilities in France. It not only pinned down about half a million German troops on the Eastern Front, but also forced the German command to stop attacks on Verdun for some time and transfer some of its reserves to the Eastern Front.

Due to the heavy defeat of the Italian army in Trentino in May, the Russian high command launched an offensive in Galicia on May 22, two weeks earlier than planned. During the fighting, Russian troops on the Southwestern Front under the command of General A. A. Brusilov managed to break through the strong positional defense of the Austro-German troops to a depth of 80-120 km. Lacking an overall superiority over the enemy, the Russian troops, due to the uneven distribution of forces and means, achieved some superiority in certain sectors of the breakthrough. Careful preparation, the factor of surprise and the use of a new form of warfare - simultaneous strikes in some areas - allowed the Russians to achieve serious successes. Artillery preparation in various areas lasted from 6 to 45 hours. During this breakthrough, it was possible to achieve the greatest coherence between the infantry and artillery. The cities of Galich, Brody, and Stanislav were liberated. The enemy suffered heavy losses - about 1.5 million people were killed, wounded and captured, and the Russians lost half a million people. The Austro-German command was forced to transfer large forces (over 30 divisions) to the Russian front, which eased the position of the Allied armies on other fronts.

The offensive of the Southwestern Front, which became known as the Brusilov breakthrough, was of enormous political significance. It became obvious to the whole world that, despite the defeats of 1915, the Russian army was strong, combat-ready and posed a real serious threat to the central powers. The Russian offensive saved the Italian army from defeat, eased the position of the French at Verdun, and accelerated the appearance of Romania on the side of the Entente.

However, Romania’s entry into the war on the side of the Entente had very unpleasant consequences for Russia: the armed forces of Romania numbered 600 thousand poorly armed and insufficiently trained soldiers and. The professional training of officers especially did not stand up to any criticism. This “army” launched an offensive against Austria-Hungary on August 15, but was immediately defeated by the troops of the Danube Mackenzen group, surrendered Bucharest without a fight and retreated to the mouth of the Danube, losing more than 200 thousand people. Russia had to send 35 infantry and 13 cavalry divisions to save its new allies, while its front line instantly increased by 500 km.

As for other fronts of the First World War, the victories of the Russian troops of the Caucasian Front were important in the Middle Eastern theater. In the winter of 1916, Russian armies advanced 250 km in Turkey and captured the Erzurum fortress and the cities of Trebizond and Erzincan. There were no major operations on the Thessaloniki front in 1916, and the situation in Mesopotamia was not in favor of the British - the prestige of Great Britain was seriously damaged after the surrender of the group in Kut el-Amar.

The 1916 campaign again did not lead any of the warring parties to fulfill their intended strategic plans. Germany failed to defeat France, Austria-Hungary failed to defeat Italy, but the Entente allies, in turn, failed to defeat the Quadruple Alliance. And yet, luck favored the Entente: as a result of the 1916 campaign, the German-Austrian bloc suffered huge losses and lost its strategic initiative. Germany was forced to defend on all fronts. Despite the defeat of Romania, the superiority of the Entente became more and more obvious. The coordinated actions of the allied forces in the West and East of Europe marked the beginning of a turning point in the course of the First World War. “This was the year that determined the victory of the Entente in the future,” wrote a prominent researcher of the First World War, A. M. Zayonchkovsky. And subsequent events at the fronts proved the truth of his words.

V. Shatsillo. World War I. Facts and documents

Both sides pursued aggressive goals. Germany sought to weaken Great Britain and France, seize new colonies on the African continent, tear Poland and the Baltic states away from Russia, Austria-Hungary - to establish itself on the Balkan Peninsula, Great Britain and France - to retain their colonies and weaken Germany as a competitor in the world market, Russia - to seize Galicia and take possession of the Black Sea straits.

Causes

Intending to go to war against Serbia, Austria-Hungary secured German support. The latter believed that the war would become local if Russia did not defend Serbia. But if it provides assistance to Serbia, then Germany will be ready to fulfill its treaty obligations and support Austria-Hungary. In an ultimatum presented to Serbia on July 23, Austria-Hungary demanded that its military units be allowed into Serbia in order to, together with Serbian forces, suppress hostile actions. The answer to the ultimatum was given within the agreed 48-hour period, but it did not satisfy Austria-Hungary, and on July 28 it declared war on Serbia. On July 30, Russia announced general mobilization; Germany used this occasion to declare war on Russia on August 1, and on France on August 3. Following the German invasion of Belgium on 4 August, Great Britain declared war on Germany. Now all the great powers of Europe were drawn into the war. Together with them, their dominions and colonies were involved in the war.

Progress of the war

1914

The war consisted of five campaigns. During the First Campaign, Germany invaded Belgium and northern France, but was defeated at the Battle of the Marne. Russia captured parts of East Prussia and Galicia (East Prussian Operation and Battle of Galicia), but was then defeated by the German and Austro-Hungarian counter-offensive. As a result, there was a transition from maneuvering to positional forms of combat.

1915

Italy, the disruption of the German plan to withdraw Russia from the war and bloody, inconclusive battles on the Western Front.

During this campaign, Germany and Austria-Hungary, concentrating their main efforts on the Russian front, carried out the so-called Gorlitsky breakthrough and ousted Russian troops from Poland and parts of the Baltic states, but were defeated in the Vilna operation and were forced to switch to positional defense.

On the Western Front, both sides fought a strategic defense. Private operations (at Ypres, Champagne and Artois) were unsuccessful, despite the use of poison gases.

On the Southern Front, Italian troops launched an unsuccessful operation against Austria-Hungary on the Isonzo River. German-Austrian troops managed to defeat Serbia. Anglo-French troops successfully carried out the Thessaloniki operation in Greece, but were unable to capture the Dardanelles. On the Transcaucasian front, Russia, as a result of the Alashkert, Hamadan and Sarykamysh operations, reached the approaches to Erzurum.

1916

The city's campaign is associated with the entry of Romania into the war and the waging of a grueling positional war on all fronts. Germany again turned its efforts against France, but was unsuccessful at the Battle of Verdun. The operations of the Anglo-French troops on Somna were also unsuccessful, despite the use of tanks.

On the Italian front, Austro-Hungarian troops launched the Trentino offensive, but were driven back by a counter-offensive by Italian troops. On the Eastern Front, troops of the Southwestern Russian Front carried out a successful operation in Galicia on a wide front stretching up to 550 km (Brusilovsky breakthrough) and advanced 60-120 km, occupied the eastern regions of Austria-Hungary, which forced the enemy to transfer up to 34 divisions to this front from the Western and Italian fronts.

On the Transcaucasian front, the Russian army carried out the Erzurum and then Trebizond offensive operations, which remained unfinished.

The decisive Battle of Jutland took place on the Baltic Sea. As a result of the campaign, conditions were created for the Entente to seize the strategic initiative.

1917

The city's campaign is associated with the entry of the United States into the war, Russia's revolutionary exit from the war and the conduct of a number of successive offensive operations on the Western Front (Nivelle's operation, operations in the Messines area, Ypres, near Verdun, and Cambrai). These operations, despite the use of large forces of artillery, tanks and aviation, practically did not change the general situation in the Western European theater of military operations. In the Atlantic at this time, Germany launched an unrestricted submarine war, during which both sides suffered heavy losses.

1918

The campaign was characterized by a transition from positional defense to a general offensive by the Entente armed forces. First, Germany launched the March Allied offensive in Picardy and private operations in Flanders and on the Aisne and Marne rivers. But due to lack of strength, they did not develop.

From the second half of the year, with the entry of the United States into the war, the Allies prepared and launched retaliatory offensive operations (Amiens, Saint-Miel, Marne), during which they eliminated the results of the German offensive, and in September they launched a general offensive, forcing Germany to surrender ( Truce of Compiegne).

Results

The final terms of the peace treaty were worked out at the Paris Conference of 1919-1920. ; During the sessions, agreements regarding five peace treaties were determined. After its completion, the following were signed: 1) the Treaty of Versailles with Germany on June 28; 2) Saint-Germain Peace Treaty with Austria on September 10, 1919; 3) Neuilly Peace Treaty with Bulgaria on November 27; 4) Trianon Peace Treaty with Hungary on June 4; 5) Treaty of Sèvres with Turkey on August 20. Subsequently, according to the Treaty of Lausanne on July 24, 1923, changes were made to the Treaty of Sèvres.

As a result of the First World War, the German, Russian, Austro-Hungarian and Ottoman empires were liquidated. Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire were divided, and Russia and Germany, ceasing to be monarchies, were reduced territorially and economically weakened. Revanchist sentiments in Germany led to World War II. The First World War accelerated the development of social processes and was one of the prerequisites that led to revolutions in Russia, Germany, Hungary, and Finland. As a result, a new military-political situation in the world was created.

In total, World War I lasted 51 months and 2 weeks. Covered the territories of Europe, Asia and Africa, the waters of the Atlantic, North, Baltic, Black and Mediterranean seas. This is the first military conflict on a global scale, in which 38 of the 59 independent states that existed at that time were involved. Two-thirds of the world's population took part in the war. The number of warring armies exceeded 37 million people. The total number of people mobilized into the armed forces was about 70 million. The length of the fronts was up to 2.5-4 thousand km. The casualties of the parties amounted to about 9.5 million killed and 20 million wounded.

During the war, new types of troops were developed and widely used: aviation, armored forces, anti-aircraft troops, anti-tank weapons, and submarine forces. New forms and methods of armed struggle began to be used: army and front-line operations, breaking through front fortifications. New strategic categories have emerged: operational deployment of the armed forces, operational cover, border battles, initial and subsequent periods of the war.

Used materials

• Dictionary "War and Peace in Terms and Definitions", First World War
• Encyclopedia "Around the World"

Science and life // Illustrations

Emperor Nicholas II and Empress Alexandra Feodorovna in Moscow, on the roof of the Grand Kremlin Palace. Photos of the first decade of the twentieth century.

Portrait of an unknown officer. 1915

At the Sormovo shipyard. 1915-1916.

Next to I. I. Sikorsky's airplane "Russian Knight". At that time it was the largest aircraft and the first multi-engine. Photo from 1913.

An infirmary located in one of the St. Petersburg palaces. Photos from 1914-1916.

Sister of Mercy.

Nicholas II inspects the destroyer Novik.

Having lost the hands of men, the village gradually became impoverished.

By the end of the winter of 1915, the Russian army was replenished again to its original level (4 million people), but it was already a different army. The privates and non-commissioned officers trained in peacetime were replaced by yesterday's peasants, officer positions were taken by cadets released ahead of schedule and mobilized students. Nevertheless, the spring offensive on the Austrian front developed successfully. However, the possibility of Austria-Hungary withdrawing from the fight forced the German General Staff to reconsider the original plans and concentrate additional forces against Russia.

PART II. UNDER THE BURDEN OF MILITARY FAILURES

Spring - summer 1915

The world was horrified by another “German atrocity”: on April 9, 1915, near the Belgian city of Ypres, the Germans used gas. The green smoke destroyed the French, creating a four-mile, undefended gap in their positions. But the attack did not follow - the operation near Ypres was supposed to divert attention from the impending offensive in the east. Here, on April 19, after intensive artillery bombardment, the Germans also released gas, and this time the infantry moved after the gas attack. A week later, the French and British launched an offensive in the west to weaken the German pressure on Russia, but the Russian front along the Carpathians was already crushed.

In the summer, all Russian border fortresses fell, including the previously mentioned Novogeorgievsk, disarmed in the pre-war years. Its reinforced concrete structures could only withstand shells from 6-inch guns, and the Russian command had no doubt that it was impossible to bring in larger caliber artillery. However, the Germans managed to do this. The garrison of Novogeorgievsk was assembled from the world piece by piece: in addition to 6,000 militia warriors and a hundred newly promoted warrant officers, General A. A. Brusilov allocated a combat division, but it was very worn out and numbered only 800 people. Lieutenant General de Witt, who had recently been appointed commander of this division and headed the fortress garrison, did not even have time to divide the people into regiments, battalions and companies. The motley crowd was disembarked from the carriages in Novogeorgievsk just at the moment when the Germans began attacking the fortress. On August 5, after a week of resistance, Novogeorgievsk fell.

By the end of summer, Poland, Galicia, most of Lithuania and part of Latvia are occupied by the enemy, but his further advance can be stopped. The front froze on a line from Riga, west of Dvinsk (Daugavpils), and almost in a straight line to Chernivtsi in Bukovina. “The Russian armies bought this temporary respite at a high price, and Russia’s Western allies did little to repay Russia for the sacrifices the latter made for them in 1914,” writes the English military historian B. Liddell-Hart.

Russian losses in the spring-summer operations of 1915 amounted to 1.4 million killed and wounded and about a million prisoners. Among the officers, the percentage of killed and wounded was especially high, and the remaining experienced combat soldiers were drawn into the swollen headquarters. There were five or six career officers per regiment; companies and often battalions were headed by second lieutenants and warrant officers who had undergone six months of training instead of the usual two years. At the beginning of the war, the War Department made a fundamental mistake by sending trained non-commissioned officers to the front as privates. They had been knocked out, and now the regimental training teams were hastily “baking” replacements for them. There were only a few privates per company of the old composition. “During the year of the war,” notes General Brusilov, “the trained regular army disappeared; it was replaced by an army consisting of ignoramuses.” There were not enough rifles, and teams of unarmed soldiers grew with each regiment. Only personal example and the self-sacrifice of commanders could still force such an army to fight.

Meanwhile, anarchy was growing in the country. It was often impossible to separate the front line from the rear, and army commanders issued a lot of orders without coordinating them even among themselves, not to mention the civilian authorities. The local population, confused, did not understand what was prohibited and what was allowed. “Heads of civil departments” with the rank of colonel and even “stage commandants” (lieutenants and warrant officers) commanded the civil administration and en masse requisitioned horse-drawn transport and food from the inhabitants, although the secret “Regulations on Field Administration” allowed requisitions only in the enemy country. There is a known fact when an ensign threatened to shoot the governor of Livonia (!) for resisting requisitions.

Counterintelligence was rampant in the rear. It was recruited from combat soldiers and reserve soldiers who knew nothing about the search, or even simply from rogues who were not taken anywhere in peacetime, and now, for the sake of their careers, they famously cooked up phony cases of espionage. Counterintelligence officers, ignoring the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the gendarme corps, the civil administration and military authorities, tried to fight profiteering, high prices, political propaganda and even the labor movement, but with their inept actions they only provoked unrest and strikes. Any banker, worker or leader of the nobility could be expelled on an unproven charge or kept in prison for months.

The war gave Nicholas II a reason to fulfill his cherished dream of popular sobriety. The production and consumption of any alcoholic beverages, including beer, was prohibited. The result: treasury revenues fell by a quarter, and secret distillation took on such proportions that excise officials were afraid to report them to the Minister of Finance, not to mention the sovereign. Premier I. G. Goremykin, to the reproaches of his predecessor V. N. Kokovtsov, answered light-heartedly: “So what, we’ll print more pieces of paper, people will willingly take them.” Thus began the collapse of finance, which reached its peak by 1917.

Looking for scapegoats

In the multinational Russian Empire, the war sharply aggravated the national problem.

A large number of Germans have lived in the country for a long time. Many of them occupied prominent positions in the civil service, army and navy. These were mostly Russian patriots, but naturally they retained their love for their historical homeland. Before the war, anti-German sentiments were equated with revolutionary sentiments. Brusilov later recalled: “If any commander in the army had decided to explain to his subordinates that our main enemy is the German, that he is going to attack us and that we must prepare with all our might to repel him, then this gentleman would have been immediately expelled from service, unless he was put on trial. Even less could a school teacher preach to his pupils love for the Slavs and hatred of the Germans. He would be considered a dangerous pan-Slavist, an ardent revolutionary and exiled to the Turukhansk or Narym region."

With the beginning of the war, hostility towards the Germans spilled out. St. Petersburg was urgently renamed Petrograd. At Christmas 1914, the Synod, despite the protests of the Empress, banned Christmas trees, as was German custom. The music of Bach, Beethoven, and Brahms was deleted from orchestra programs. In May - June 1915, crowds destroyed about five hundred factories, shops and houses in Moscow that belonged to people with German surnames. Bakeries stood with broken windows, Bechstein and Bütner grand pianos were thrown out of a music store and burned. At the Marfo-Mariinsky Convent, the Empress's sister Elizaveta Feodorovna, a woman with a reputation as a saint and one of Rasputin's main opponents, almost became the victim of a raging crowd shouting: “Get out, German!”

The situation turned out to be especially difficult in the Baltic states, where the Germans constituted the top of society. Here there were signs in German, newspapers were published, and office work was conducted. When the first columns of German prisoners of war appeared, they were greeted with flowers. Today, the reader of post-Soviet Russia is not always able to discern the difference between pro-German sentiments and espionage in favor of Germany. But in those days, decent people distinguished between these two concepts, and mixing them seemed barbaric. Therefore, when, at the beginning of the war, Latvians, Lithuanians, and Estonians rushed to write denunciations against their German fellow citizens, there were no mass arrests, fortunately only one out of a hundred denunciations had at least some real basis.

The Jews suffered even more than the Germans. In Germany and Austria-Hungary, unlike Russia, they enjoyed all civil rights, so they were widely suspected of sympathizing with the enemy. “When our troops retreated, the Jews were cheerful and sang songs,” noted one of the employees of the Council of Ministers, A. N. Yakhontov. In June 1915, the chief of staff of the Supreme High Command N.N. Yanushkevich, reporting on the increasing incidence of venereal diseases among the troops, connected this with the machinations of the Jews. The conclusion sounds like a joke: “There are instructions<согласно которым>the German-Jewish organization spends quite significant funds on maintaining women infected with syphilis, so that they lure officers to themselves and infect them." The counterintelligence department of the 2nd Army seriously checked the message that German agents, "primarily Jews", were digging a fifteen-verst tunnel near Warsaw and are going to throw bombs at the headquarters of the North-Western Front. New boots and pointed lambskin hats were considered a special sign of German-Jewish spies.

Under the influence of such messages, Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich ordered the expulsion as soon as possible from the western regions (that is, from the “Pale of Settlement”) of all Jews, without distinction of gender, age or position. The local administration in some places tried to resist the order: many Jews work as doctors in hospitals, and their supplies depend to a large extent on Jewish traders. Nevertheless, the order of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief was carried out. Where should the deportees go? The authorities did not know this, and people spent a long time at the stations. Where the deportation did not become universal, the most respected Jews, most often rabbis, were imprisoned as hostages.

Let me remind you: moderate opponents of the autocracy, under the influence of a patriotic upsurge, in July 1914 offered the government cooperation in waging the war. But now, a year later, everything has changed. Failures at the front, shortages of ammunition and equipment, and flaws in military and civil administration revived open hostility between the public and tsarism. Hardly experiencing military failures, the public meticulously and biasedly analyzed the degree of guilt of the army commanders Samsonov and Rennenkampf, the head of the Main Artillery Directorate of the General Staff Kuzmin-Karavaev and the inspector general of artillery of the Grand Duke Sergei Mikhailovich. The popularity of Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich also fell. Most of all, they blamed the Minister of War Sukhomlinov, who was considered a puppet in the hands of Yanushkevich.

The oppositionists tried to win over the workers. Even before the war, Moscow industrialist A.I. Konovalov tried to organize an information committee with the participation of the entire opposition - from Octobrists to Social Democrats. Now he and Guchkov used their new creation, the Military-Industrial Committees, for similar purposes, creating within their framework “working groups” of defense workers. And if the defeatist socialists accused these groups of betraying the class interests of the proletariat, the government saw them as a breeding ground for revolutionary sentiments.

But despite opposition from left and right, in November 1915, at workers' meetings, ten workers led by Kuzma Gvozdev, a Menshevik from the Erikson plant, were elected and delegated to the Central Military-Industrial Committee (CMIC). Stating that an irresponsible government had brought the country to the brink of destruction, Gvozdev and his “comrades” promised to defend the interests of the workers, to fight for an eight-hour working day and for the convening of a Constituent Assembly.

The authorities were suspicious of the moderate Gvozdev (the police considered Gvozdev a secret defeatist), but open defeatists suffered much more severely. Some of them were arrested, some were forced to emigrate. Few continued the fight, hiding under false names and changing apartments (all defeatist organizations were swarming with police agents). In February 1915, Bolshevik Duma deputies were tried and expelled; The Bolsheviks' attempts to organize mass actions in their support were unsuccessful. But the case of S. N. Myasoedov caused a huge resonance in society. This gendarme colonel, a big man and a strong man with a scandalous reputation (A.I. Guchkov accused him of arms smuggling even before the war), through Sukhomlinov received a place in the 10th Army, which suffered a heavy defeat in January 1915. A certain G. Kolakovsky, who escaped from German captivity, confessed and said that he had been sent by the Germans to kill Grand Duke Nikolai Nikolaevich and that Myasoedov was supposed to get in touch with him. And although Kolakovsky was confused in his testimony, on February 18, 1915, Myasoedov was arrested (at the same time his wife and two dozen people connected with him were arrested).

How justified the charges against Myasoedov were, historians still argue, but Yanushkevich wrote to Sukhomlinov that the evidence of guilt was clear and to calm public opinion, Myasoedov should be executed before Easter. On March 17, the colonel was tried according to a simplified wartime procedure, without a prosecutor or defense attorney, and was found guilty of espionage for Austria before the war, collecting and transmitting information to the enemy about the location of Russian troops in 1915, as well as looting on enemy territory. After hearing the verdict, Myasoedov tried to send telegrams to the Tsar and his family with assurances of innocence, but fainted, then tried to commit suicide. He was executed that same night.

Thus, Guchkov’s assertions about the presence of an extensive network of German spies received official confirmation. A wave of indignation also rose against Sukhomlinov. He swore that he had become a victim of “this scoundrel” (Myasoedov), complained that Guchkov was smearing this story. Meanwhile, Nikolai Nikolaevich and the chief manager of agriculture A.V. Krivoshein convinced the tsar to sacrifice the unpopular minister to public opinion. On June 12, 1915, Nicholas II, in a very warm letter, informed V.A. Sukhomlinov about his dismissal and expressed confidence that “impartial history will render its verdict, more lenient than the condemnation of his contemporaries.” The post of Minister of War was taken by Sukhomlinov’s former deputy, A. A. Polivanov, who had previously been dismissed for having too close relations with the Duma and Guchkov.

Ministers are going all-in

In the spring of 1915, a group formed within the government of I. L. Goremykin that considered it necessary to extend a hand to the moderate opposition. Its informal leader was the cunning Krivoshein - to some extent an analogue of Witte, but less harsh, more streamlined, who managed to maintain a reputation as a liberal and at the same time maintain excellent relations with the royal couple. Without entering into direct contacts with the Duma and Guchkov, the factionalist ministers regularly met at Krivoshein’s house to develop a common position. As a result, they presented Goremykin with a demand to remove extreme reactionaries from the Council of Ministers - Minister of Justice I. G. Shcheglovitov, Minister of Internal Affairs N. A. Maklakov and Chief Prosecutor of the Holy Synod V. K. Sabler. Otherwise, the rebels said, they would have no choice but to resign themselves.

Confident that Goremykin would not only fulfill their demands, but also resign in such a situation, the ministers underestimated the tactical abilities of their boss. At the beginning of July, the sovereign, on his recommendation, replaced N.A. Maklakov with Prince B.N. Shcherbatov, and appointed A.D. Samarin, whom the queen hated for his hostility to Rasputin, as chief prosecutor of the Synod. It would seem that the ministerial front has won! However, Goremykin remained at the head of the renewed Council of Ministers and even strengthened his position by replacing I. G. Shcheglovitov with his protege A. A. Khvostov (uncle of the famous reactionary A. N. Khvostov, Rasputin’s protégé).

At the end of the summer of 1915, fighting raged among the Russian political elite of Petrograd, no less fierce than a year before under Tannenberg. The accumulated irritation spilled out onto the podium of the State Duma, which resumed its meetings in July. And in the Council of Ministers, twitchy and at once aged under the weight of responsibility, A. A. Polivanov painted a picture of arrogance, confusion and incompetence of the Chief of Staff of the Supreme Commander-in-Chief N. N. Yanushkevich. On July 16, Polivanov declared: “The Fatherland is in danger!” The nervousness reached such a degree that the secretary of the meeting, Yahontov, was shaking and could not take minutes.

Later, Yakhontov wrote: “Everyone was gripped by some kind of excitement. There was not a debate in the Council of Ministers, but a chaotic cross-talk of excited, captivated Russian people. I will not forget this day and experiences for a century. Is everything really lost!” And further: “Polivanov does not inspire confidence in me. He always has a sense of premeditation, an afterthought, behind him is the shadow of Guchkov.” In general, in the Council of Ministers, Guchkov was constantly being reprimanded, accusing him of adventurism, exorbitant ambition, unscrupulousness in means and hatred of the regime, especially Emperor Nicholas II.

The attacks of Polivanov and Guchkov on Headquarters coincided with the efforts of Alisa, who sought the removal of “Nikolasha” (that is, the commander-in-chief - the Grand Duke), who spoke “against the man of God,” Rasputin. Goremykin tried to explain to his colleagues that the empress would take advantage of their attacks on Yanushkevich to remove Nikolai Nikolaevich, but such a development of events seemed impossible to them. However, already on August 6, Polivanov brought “terrible news”: Nicholas II was going to take over the supreme command. The agitated Rodzianko, appearing at the Council of Ministers, declared that he would personally dissuade the sovereign. Krivoshein avoided a conversation with Rodzianko, and Goremykin sharply opposed his intention. Rodzianko rushed out of the Mariinsky Palace, shouting that there was no government in Russia. The doorman ran after him to hand him the forgotten cane, but he shouted “To hell with the cane!” jumped into his carriage and drove off. The expansive Chairman of the Duma, in fact, both verbally and in writing, persuaded the Tsar “not to expose his sacred person to the dangers into which she could be placed by the consequences of the decision made,” but his clumsy attempts only strengthened Nicholas in his position.

In such a situation, the opposition faction of Krivoshein launched a new attack on Goremykin, seeking his resignation. No one dared to talk about such a sensitive issue with the sovereign, but in the Council of Ministers Krivoshein said on August 19: “We must either react with faith in our power, or openly take the path of winning moral trust for the authorities. We are not in either one or the other.” able". Translated from the bureaucratic bureaucracy into a generally understandable language, this meant: “The government must cooperate with the Duma, but Goremykin is preventing this, and he must be removed as soon as possible.”

The next day, at a meeting in Tsarskoe Selo, the same ministers who demanded changes in the government tried to dissuade the tsar from leading the army. Nikolai listened absentmindedly and said that he would not change his decision. The next day, eight ministers took an unprecedented step: they signed a collective petition to the sovereign, begging him not to assume supreme command. The same petition stated the impossibility of further work with Goremykin - in such conditions, the ministers threatened, they would “lose faith in the opportunity to serve the Tsar and the Motherland with a sense of benefit.”

The king ignored the ministers' petition. On August 23, 1915, in an order for the army and navy, he expressed his determination to take charge of the army.

Alexandra Feodorovna vigorously expressed joy in her letters: “My only and beloved, I cannot find words to express everything I want... I only passionately wish to hold you tightly in my arms and whisper words of love, courage, strength and countless blessings "You will win this great battle for your country and throne - alone, bravely and decisively... Our Friend's prayers for you rise day and night to heaven, and the Lord hears them." Meanwhile, in educated society, including the highest, the mood reigned almost apocalyptic. Princess Z.N. Yusupova, crying, told Rodzianko’s wife: “This is terrible! I feel that this is the beginning of death. He (Nikolai) will lead us to revolution.”

Opening of the "second front"

The attack of the ministers coincided with the most important event - the formation of the "progressive bloc". Whether this was a mere coincidence or whether Masonic connections played a role is unknown. Most likely, there was some kind of exchange of information. On August 25, the Duma factions of cadets, progressives, left Octobrists, Octobrist-Zemtsy, center and nationalist-progressives, as well as liberals from the State Council signed a common program. Its demands were the simplest, some did not even seem relevant: non-interference by state authorities in public affairs, and non-interference by military authorities in civil affairs, equal rights of peasants (this has already actually happened), the introduction of zemstvos at the lower (volost) level, autonomy of Poland (the issue generally academic, since all of Poland was occupied by the Germans). Heated debates arose only on the Jewish question, but even here it was possible to find a vague formulation (“entering the path of abolishing laws restrictive against Jews”), which the right accepted with difficulty.

The key requirement of the Progressive Bloc was the following: the formation of a homogeneous government of persons enjoying the country's confidence to carry out the bloc's program. On the part of the Cadets, who sought “a ministry responsible to the people’s representatives,” this meant a significant concession. The tsar was not required to give up control over the government; he only had to remove ministers whom the “public” considered reactionaries, replacing them with “persons enjoying the people’s trust.”

Krivoshein was one hundred percent satisfied with the bloc’s program. The government responsible to the Duma would be made up of Cadets and Octobrists, and in the “Ministry of Public Trust” it was Krivoshein who was the main candidate for prime minister. He seemed to consider G. E. Lvov his main rival, about whom he spoke with obvious irritation: “This prince is almost becoming the chairman of some government! At the front, they only talk about him, he is the savior of the situation, he supplies the army, feeds the hungry , treats the sick, arranges hairdressing salons for soldiers - in a word, is some kind of omnipresent Muir and Merilize (then famous Moscow department store. - Note A. A.). We must either end this or give all power into his hands."

On the evening of August 27, the rebellious ministers met with representatives of the “progressive bloc.” They agreed that “five-sixths” of the bloc’s program is quite acceptable, but the current government cannot implement it. The results of the negotiations were reported at the Council of Ministers on the 28th. Like Witte in 1905, Krivoshein proposed putting the tsar before a choice: an “iron hand” or a “government of people’s trust.” A new course requires new people. “What new people,” Goremykin shouted, “where do you see them?!” Krivoshein answered evasively: let the sovereign “invite a certain person (apparently, him. - Note A. A.) and will allow him to identify his future employees." “So,” Goremykin clarified venomously, “it is recognized as necessary to deliver an ultimatum to the Tsar?” Foreign Minister Sazonov was indignant: “We are not seditious, but the same loyal subjects of our sovereign, like Your Excellency! “However, after hesitating, the rebels agreed that this was precisely an ultimatum. In the end, they decided to negotiate with the leadership of the Duma on its dissolution and at the same time present to His Majesty a petition to change the Council of Ministers.

However, instead of carrying out this decision, Goremykin, without warning anyone, left for Headquarters. Returning a couple of days later, on September 2 he gathered the ministers and announced to them the tsar’s will: everyone should remain at their posts and the Duma sessions should be interrupted no later than September 3. Krivoshein attacked him with reproaches, but Goremykin firmly declared that he would fulfill his duty to the sovereign to the end. As soon as the situation at the front allows it, the Tsar will come and figure it out himself. “But it will be too late,” exclaimed Sazonov, “the streets will be filled with blood, and Russia will be thrown into the abyss!” Goremykin, however, stood his ground. He tried to close the meeting, but the ministers refused to disperse, and the prime minister himself left the Council.

Goremykin turned out to be right: on September 3, the Duma was dissolved for the autumn break, and this did not cause any unrest. Hopes for creating a “government of people's trust” evaporated, and members of the “progressive bloc” abruptly changed tactics. They had previously criticized the government for its mismanagement of the war. Now, on the eve of the opening of the all-Russian zemstvo and city congress in Moscow, at a meeting in the house of the Moscow mayor M.V. Chelnokov, it was stated that the government was not striving for victory, but was secretly preparing a conspiracy with the Germans. For Goremykin, a separate peace is beneficial, since it leads to the strengthening of the autocracy, and the sovereign is captured by the pro-German “black bloc.”

Subsequently, no one has ever been able to confirm these accusations. After February 1917, the Extraordinary Commission of Inquiry of the Provisional Government, scrupulously investigating the activities of the fallen regime, discovered corruption, carelessness, incompetence, but did not find any traces of the “black bloc”, negotiations with the Germans or simply pro-German sentiments in the ruling elite. However, the accusations made in September 1915 came from the favorites of the public, and were directed against people who aroused general hatred. In such cases, evidence is not required.

The “revelations” made a stunning impression on the delegates of the congress, which opened on September 7, and they were believed unconditionally. Guchkov called for uniting and organizing to fight the external enemy, and even more so the internal enemy - “that anarchy that is caused by the activities of the real government.” However, no revolutionary slogans were heard. On the contrary, they decided to avoid internal turmoil, which only plays into the hands of the “black bloc” and delays victory in the war. The stated goals were the most moderate: to expose the plans of the “black bloc”, to achieve the resumption of Duma meetings and the creation of a “government of people's trust”. The Tsar refused to receive the congress delegates, and Prince Lvov wrote a letter to him in a high style on their behalf, calling on him to “renew the government” and place a heavy burden on those “strong in the country’s trust,” as well as “to restore the work of the people’s representatives.” There was no answer.

What means could people use who wanted to change the regime, but did not want to play into the hands of Germany and Austria? In Guchkov’s papers, a document was found, compiled by an unknown person, chaotic in style and content, entitled “Disposition No. 1.” It is dated September 8, 1915. Stating that the struggle is being waged on two fronts, that “to achieve complete victory over the external enemy is unthinkable without first defeating the internal enemy,” the “disposition” suggested that Guchkov take over “the supreme command, organized by the people in the struggle for their rights... Methods of the struggle for rights people must be peaceful, but firm and skillful."

What are these methods? Strikes were excluded as harmful to the conduct of the war. The main weapon was to be “the refusal of fighters for the people’s cause to have any communication with a person whose removal from state or public functions was decreed by the high command.” The authors of the “disposition” proposed to scare their reactionary opponents like naughty children, publicly recording their dirty tricks “on a book” and promising to pay for everything after the end of the war.

On September 18, “Disposition No. 2” appears in Moscow, not inferior to the first in terms of effective expressions combined with toothlessness and vagueness. Condemning the “most naive” Kovalevskys, Milyukovs, Chelnokovs and Shingarevs for collaborating with the government (Kovalevsky is a progressive, Shingarev is a left-wing cadet and both are Masons), “mindlessly leading the country to internal aggravation,” the “disposition” proposed forming a “Russian Salvation Army” led by with A.I. Guchkov, A.F. Kerensky, P.P. Ryabushinsky, V.I. Gurko and G.E. Lvov - with Guchkov again taking precedence. The leaders of this unknown “army” should have immediately gathered in Moscow and taken measures to convene a new zemstvo and city congress on October 15. As methods of combating “internal enemies” (among others, they included liberal ministers Shcherbatov and Samarin), public boycott and a completely incomprehensible “system of personal, social, economic and mental influence on the enemies of the people” were proposed.

It seems that the authors of the “dispositions”, who belonged to Guchkov’s circle, did not see the difference between Goremykin and his opponents within the cabinet. Meanwhile, the tsar summoned the offending ministers to Headquarters on September 16th. The day before, Alice reminded her husband in a letter: “Don’t forget to hold the icon in your hand and comb your hair several times.” his(Rasputin. - Note A. A.) with a comb before a meeting of the Council of Ministers." Did the absentee support of his wife help Nicholas, but the tsar remained calm. Having sternly informed Krivoshein and his like-minded people that he was extremely dissatisfied with their letter of August 21, Nicholas II asked what they had against Goremykin. Shcherbatov spoke in in a joking tone - it was as difficult for him to negotiate on state affairs with Goremykin as it was to manage the estate together with his own father. Goremykin muttered that he would also prefer to deal with the senior prince Shcherbatov. The Emperor called the behavior of the ministers boyish and said that he completely trusted him. To Ivan Loginovich (Goremykin). Then he turned the conversation to an everyday level - they say, this is all an unhealthy Petrograd atmosphere, and invited the ministers who had made mistakes to dinner.

Peace seemed to be concluded. But two days later the tsar, returning to Petrograd, fired Shcherbatov and Samarin. Krivoshein realized that he had lost and resigned. The resumption of Duma meetings, planned for November 15, was postponed without announcing a new date.

So, in a warring country, an internal front has formed, where the authorities and the “public” are seated in “trenches” opposite each other. The working class remained neutral. The peasants groaned, but obediently put on their greatcoats and went to fight the Germans and Austrians. There have been no casualties on the internal front yet, but the trouble has just begun...

First World War (1914 - 1918)

The Russian Empire collapsed. One of the goals of the war has been achieved.

Chamberlain

The First World War lasted from August 1, 1914 to November 11, 1918. 38 states with a population of 62% of the world took part in it. This war was quite controversial and extremely contradictory in modern history. I specifically quoted Chamberlain’s words in the epigraph in order to once again emphasize this inconsistency. A prominent politician in England (Russia's war ally) says that by overthrowing the autocracy in Russia, one of the goals of the war has been achieved!

The Balkan countries played a major role in the beginning of the war. They were not independent. Their policies (both foreign and domestic) were greatly influenced by England. Germany had by that time lost its influence in this region, although it controlled Bulgaria for a long time.

• Entente. Russian Empire, France, Great Britain. The allies were the USA, Italy, Romania, Canada, Australia, and New Zealand.
• Triple Alliance. Germany, Austria-Hungary, Ottoman Empire. Later they were joined by the Bulgarian kingdom, and the coalition became known as the “Quadruple Alliance”.

The following large countries took part in the war: Austria-Hungary (July 27, 1914 - November 3, 1918), Germany (August 1, 1914 - November 11, 1918), Turkey (October 29, 1914 - October 30, 1918), Bulgaria (October 14, 1915 - 29 September 1918). Entente countries and allies: Russia (August 1, 1914 - March 3, 1918), France (August 3, 1914), Belgium (August 3, 1914), Great Britain (August 4, 1914), Italy (May 23, 1915), Romania (August 27, 1916) .

One more important point. Initially, Italy was a member of the Triple Alliance. But after the outbreak of World War I, the Italians declared neutrality.

Causes of the First World War

The main reason for the outbreak of the First World War was the desire of the leading powers, primarily England, France and Austria-Hungary, to redistribute the world. The fact is that the colonial system collapsed by the beginning of the 20th century. The leading European countries, which had prospered for years through the exploitation of their colonies, could no longer simply obtain resources by taking them away from Indians, Africans and South Americans. Now resources could only be won from each other. Therefore, contradictions grew:

• Between England and Germany. England sought to prevent Germany from increasing its influence in the Balkans. Germany sought to strengthen itself in the Balkans and the Middle East, and also sought to deprive England of maritime dominance.
• Between Germany and France. France dreamed of regaining the lands of Alsace and Lorraine, which it had lost in the war of 1870-71. France also sought to seize the German Saar coal basin.
• Between Germany and Russia. Germany sought to take Poland, Ukraine and the Baltic states from Russia.
• Between Russia and Austria-Hungary. Controversies arose due to the desire of both countries to influence the Balkans, as well as Russia's desire to subjugate the Bosporus and Dardanelles.

The reason for the start of the war

The reason for the outbreak of the First World War was the events in Sarajevo (Bosnia and Herzegovina). On June 28, 1914, Gavrilo Princip, a member of the Black Hand of the Young Bosnia movement, assassinated Archduke Franz Ferdinand. Ferdinand was the heir to the Austro-Hungarian throne, so the resonance of the murder was enormous. This was the pretext for Austria-Hungary to attack Serbia.

The behavior of England is very important here, since Austria-Hungary could not start a war on its own, because this practically guaranteed war throughout Europe. The British at the embassy level convinced Nicholas 2 that Russia should not leave Serbia without help in the event of aggression. But then the entire (I emphasize this) English press wrote that the Serbs were barbarians and Austria-Hungary should not leave the murder of the Archduke unpunished. That is, England did everything to ensure that Austria-Hungary, Germany and Russia did not shy away from war.

Important nuances of the casus belli

In all textbooks we are told that the main and only reason for the outbreak of the First World War was the assassination of the Austrian Archduke. At the same time, they forget to say that the next day, June 29, another significant murder took place. The French politician Jean Jaurès, who actively opposed the war and had great influence in France, was killed. A few weeks before the assassination of the Archduke, there was an attempt on the life of Rasputin, who, like Zhores, was an opponent of the war and had great influence on Nicholas 2. I would also like to note some facts from the fate of the main characters of those days:

• Gavrilo Principin. Died in prison in 1918 from tuberculosis.
• The Russian Ambassador to Serbia is Hartley. In 1914 he died at the Austrian embassy in Serbia, where he came for a reception.
• Colonel Apis, leader of the Black Hand. Shot in 1917.
• In 1917, Hartley’s correspondence with Sozonov (the next Russian ambassador to Serbia) disappeared.

This all indicates that in the events of the day there were a lot of black spots that have not yet been revealed. And this is very important to understand.

England's role in starting the war

At the beginning of the 20th century, there were 2 great powers in continental Europe: Germany and Russia. They did not want to openly fight against each other, since their forces were approximately equal. Therefore, in the “July crisis” of 1914, both sides took a wait-and-see approach. British diplomacy came to the fore. She conveyed her position to Germany through the press and secret diplomacy - in the event of war, England would remain neutral or take Germany's side. Through open diplomacy, Nicholas 2 received the opposite idea that if war broke out, England would take the side of Russia.

It must be clearly understood that one open statement from England that it would not allow war in Europe would be enough for neither Germany nor Russia to even think about anything like that. Naturally, under such conditions, Austria-Hungary would not have dared to attack Serbia. But England, with all its diplomacy, pushed European countries towards war.

Russia before the war

Before the First World War, Russia carried out army reform. In 1907, a reform of the fleet was carried out, and in 1910, a reform of the ground forces. The country increased military spending many times over, and the total peacetime army size was now 2 million. In 1912, Russia adopted a new Field Service Charter. Today it is rightly called the most perfect Charter of its time, since it motivated soldiers and commanders to show personal initiative. Important point! The doctrine of the army of the Russian Empire was offensive.

Despite the fact that there were many positive changes, there were also very serious miscalculations. The main one is the underestimation of the role of artillery in war. As the course of events of the First World War showed, this was a terrible mistake, which clearly showed that at the beginning of the 20th century, Russian generals were seriously behind the times. They lived in the past, when the role of cavalry was important. As a result, 75% of all losses in the First World War were caused by artillery! This is a verdict on the imperial generals.

It is important to note that Russia never completed preparations for war (at the proper level), while Germany completed it in 1914.

The balance of forces and means before and after the war

Artillery

	Number of guns	Of these, heavy guns
Austria-Hungary
Germany

According to the data from the table, it can be seen that Germany and Austria-Hungary were many times superior to Russia and France in terms of heavy guns. Therefore, the balance of power was in favor of the first two countries. Moreover, the Germans, as usual, created an excellent military industry before the war, which produced 250,000 shells daily. By comparison, Britain produced 10,000 shells per month! As they say, feel the difference...

Another example showing the importance of artillery is the battles on the Dunajec Gorlice line (May 1915). In 4 hours, the German army fired 700,000 shells. For comparison, during the entire Franco-Prussian War (1870-71), Germany fired just over 800,000 shells. That is, in 4 hours a little less than during the entire war. The Germans clearly understood that heavy artillery would play a decisive role in the war.

Weapons and military equipment

Production of weapons and equipment during the First World War (thousands of units).

	Strelkovoe	Artillery
Great Britain
TRIPLE ALLIANCE
Germany
Austria-Hungary

This table clearly shows the weakness of the Russian Empire in terms of equipping the army. In all main indicators, Russia is much inferior to Germany, but also inferior to France and Great Britain. Largely because of this, the war turned out to be so difficult for our country.

Number of people (infantry)

Number of fighting infantry (millions of people).

	At the beginning of the war	By the end of the war	Casualties
Great Britain
TRIPLE ALLIANCE
Germany
Austria-Hungary

The table shows that Great Britain made the smallest contribution to the war, both in terms of combatants and deaths. This is logical, since the British did not really participate in major battles. Another example from this table is instructive. All textbooks tell us that Austria-Hungary, due to large losses, could not fight on its own, and it always needed help from Germany. But notice Austria-Hungary and France in the table. The numbers are identical! Just as Germany had to fight for Austria-Hungary, so Russia had to fight for France (it is no coincidence that the Russian army saved Paris from capitulation three times during the First World War).

The table also shows that in fact the war was between Russia and Germany. Both countries lost 4.3 million killed, while Britain, France and Austria-Hungary together lost 3.5 million. The numbers are eloquent. But it turned out that the countries that fought the most and made the most effort in the war ended up with nothing. First, Russia signed the shameful Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, losing many lands. Then Germany signed the Treaty of Versailles, essentially losing its independence.

Progress of the war

Military events of 1914

July 28 Austria-Hungary declares war on Serbia. This entailed the involvement of the countries of the Triple Alliance, on the one hand, and the Entente, on the other hand, into the war.

Russia entered World War I on August 1, 1914. Nikolai Nikolaevich Romanov (Uncle of Nicholas 2) was appointed Supreme Commander-in-Chief.

In the first days of the war, St. Petersburg was renamed Petrograd. Since the war with Germany began, the capital could not have a name of German origin - “burg”.

Historical reference

German "Schlieffen Plan"

Germany found itself under the threat of war on two fronts: Eastern - with Russia, Western - with France. Then the German command developed the “Schlieffen Plan”, according to which Germany should defeat France in 40 days and then fight with Russia. Why 40 days? The Germans believed that this was exactly what Russia would need to mobilize. Therefore, when Russia mobilizes, France will already be out of the game.

On August 2, 1914, Germany captured Luxembourg, on August 4 they invaded Belgium (a neutral country at that time), and by August 20 Germany reached the borders of France. The implementation of the Schlieffen Plan began. Germany advanced deep into France, but on September 5 it was stopped at the Marne River, where a battle took place in which about 2 million people took part on both sides.

Northwestern Front of Russia in 1914

At the beginning of the war, Russia did something stupid that Germany could not calculate. Nicholas 2 decided to enter the war without fully mobilizing the army. On August 4, Russian troops, under the command of Rennenkampf, launched an offensive in East Prussia (modern Kaliningrad). Samsonov's army was equipped to help her. Initially, the troops acted successfully, and Germany was forced to retreat. As a result, part of the forces of the Western Front was transferred to the Eastern Front. The result - Germany repelled the Russian offensive in East Prussia (the troops acted disorganized and lacked resources), but as a result the Schlieffen plan failed, and France could not be captured. So, Russia saved Paris, albeit by defeating its 1st and 2nd armies. After this, trench warfare began.

Southwestern Front of Russia

On the southwestern front, in August-September, Russia launched an offensive operation against Galicia, which was occupied by troops of Austria-Hungary. The Galician operation was more successful than the offensive in East Prussia. In this battle, Austria-Hungary suffered a catastrophic defeat. 400 thousand people killed, 100 thousand captured. For comparison, the Russian army lost 150 thousand people killed. After this, Austria-Hungary actually left the war, since it lost the ability to conduct independent actions. Austria was saved from complete defeat only by the help of Germany, which was forced to transfer additional divisions to Galicia.

The main results of the military campaign of 1914

• Germany failed to implement the Schlieffen plan for lightning war.
• No one managed to gain a decisive advantage. The war turned into a positional one.

Map of military events of 1914-15

Military events of 1915

In 1915, Germany decided to shift the main blow to the eastern front, directing all its forces to the war with Russia, which was the weakest country of the Entente, according to the Germans. It was a strategic plan developed by the commander of the Eastern Front, General von Hindenburg. Russia managed to thwart this plan only at the cost of colossal losses, but at the same time, 1915 turned out to be simply terrible for the empire of Nicholas 2.

Situation on the northwestern front

From January to October, Germany waged an active offensive, as a result of which Russia lost Poland, western Ukraine, part of the Baltic states, and western Belarus. Russia went on the defensive. Russian losses were gigantic:

• Killed and wounded - 850 thousand people
• Captured - 900 thousand people

Russia did not capitulate, but the countries of the Triple Alliance were convinced that Russia would no longer be able to recover from the losses it had suffered.

Germany's successes on this sector of the front led to the fact that on October 14, 1915, Bulgaria entered the First World War (on the side of Germany and Austria-Hungary).

Situation on the southwestern front

The Germans, together with Austria-Hungary, organized the Gorlitsky breakthrough in the spring of 1915, forcing the entire southwestern front of Russia to retreat. Galicia, which was captured in 1914, was completely lost. Germany was able to achieve this advantage thanks to the terrible mistakes of the Russian command, as well as a significant technical advantage. German superiority in technology reached:

• 2.5 times in machine guns.
• 4.5 times in light artillery.
• 40 times in heavy artillery.

It was not possible to withdraw Russia from the war, but the losses on this section of the front were gigantic: 150 thousand killed, 700 thousand wounded, 900 thousand prisoners and 4 million refugees.

Situation on the Western Front

"Everything is calm on the Western Front." This phrase can describe how the war between Germany and France proceeded in 1915. There were sluggish military operations in which no one sought the initiative. Germany was implementing plans in eastern Europe, and England and France were calmly mobilizing their economy and army, preparing for further war. No one provided any assistance to Russia, although Nicholas 2 repeatedly turned to France, first of all, so that it would take active action on the Western Front. As usual, no one heard him... By the way, this sluggish war on Germany’s western front was perfectly described by Hemingway in the novel “A Farewell to Arms.”

The main result of 1915 was that Germany was unable to bring Russia out of the war, although all efforts were devoted to this. It became obvious that the First World War would drag on for a long time, since during the 1.5 years of the war no one was able to gain an advantage or strategic initiative.

Military events of 1916

"Verdun Meat Grinder"

In February 1916, Germany launched a general offensive against France with the goal of capturing Paris. For this purpose, a campaign was carried out on Verdun, which covered the approaches to the French capital. The battle lasted until the end of 1916. During this time, 2 million people died, for which the battle was called the “Verdun Meat Grinder”. France survived, but again thanks to the fact that Russia came to its rescue, which became more active on the southwestern front.

Events on the southwestern front in 1916

In May 1916, Russian troops went on the offensive, which lasted 2 months. This offensive went down in history under the name “Brusilovsky breakthrough”. This name is due to the fact that the Russian army was commanded by General Brusilov. The breakthrough of the defense in Bukovina (from Lutsk to Chernivtsi) happened on June 5. The Russian army managed not only to break through the defenses, but also to advance into its depths in some places up to 120 kilometers. The losses of the Germans and Austro-Hungarians were catastrophic. 1.5 million dead, wounded and prisoners. The offensive was stopped only by additional German divisions, which were hastily transferred here from Verdun (France) and from Italy.

This offensive of the Russian army was not without a fly in the ointment. As usual, the allies dropped her off. On August 27, 1916, Romania entered the First World War on the side of the Entente. Germany defeated her very quickly. As a result, Romania lost its army, and Russia received an additional 2 thousand kilometers of front.

Events on the Caucasian and Northwestern fronts

Positional battles continued on the Northwestern Front during the spring-autumn period. As for the Caucasian Front, the main events here lasted from the beginning of 1916 to April. During this time, 2 operations were carried out: Erzurmur and Trebizond. According to their results, Erzurum and Trebizond were conquered, respectively.

The result of 1916 in the First World War

• The strategic initiative passed to the side of the Entente.
• The French fortress of Verdun survived thanks to the offensive of the Russian army.
• Romania entered the war on the side of the Entente.
• Russia carried out a powerful offensive - the Brusilovsky breakthrough.

Military and political events 1917

The year 1917 in the First World War was marked by the fact that the war continued against the background of the revolutionary situation in Russia and Germany, as well as the deterioration of the economic situation of the countries. Let me give you the example of Russia. During the 3 years of the war, prices for basic products increased on average by 4-4.5 times. Naturally, this caused discontent among the people. Add to this heavy losses and a grueling war - it turns out to be excellent soil for revolutionaries. The situation is similar in Germany.

In 1917, the United States entered the First World War. The position of the Triple Alliance is deteriorating. Germany and its allies cannot effectively fight on 2 fronts, as a result of which it goes on the defensive.

The end of the war for Russia

In the spring of 1917, Germany launched another offensive on the Western Front. Despite the events in Russia, Western countries demanded that the Provisional Government implement the agreements signed by the Empire and send troops on the offensive. As a result, on June 16, the Russian army went on the offensive in the Lvov area. Again, we saved the allies from major battles, but we ourselves were completely exposed.

The Russian army, exhausted by the war and losses, did not want to fight. The issues of provisions, uniforms and supplies during the war years were never resolved. The army fought reluctantly, but moved forward. The Germans were forced to transfer troops here again, and Russia's Entente allies again isolated themselves, watching what would happen next. On July 6, Germany launched a counteroffensive. As a result, 150,000 Russian soldiers died. The army virtually ceased to exist. The front fell apart. Russia could no longer fight, and this catastrophe was inevitable.

People demanded Russia's withdrawal from the war. And this was one of their main demands from the Bolsheviks, who seized power in October 1917. Initially, at the 2nd Party Congress, the Bolsheviks signed the decree “On Peace,” essentially proclaiming Russia’s exit from the war, and on March 3, 1918, they signed the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty. The conditions of this world were as follows:

• Russia makes peace with Germany, Austria-Hungary and Turkey.
• Russia is losing Poland, Ukraine, Finland, part of Belarus and the Baltic states.
• Russia cedes Batum, Kars and Ardagan to Turkey.

As a result of its participation in the First World War, Russia lost: about 1 million square meters of territory, approximately 1/4 of the population, 1/4 of arable land and 3/4 of the coal and metallurgical industries were lost.

Historical reference

Events in the war in 1918

Germany got rid of the Eastern Front and the need to wage war on two fronts. As a result, in the spring and summer of 1918, she attempted an offensive on the Western Front, but this offensive had no success. Moreover, as it progressed, it became obvious that Germany was getting the most out of itself, and that it needed a break in the war.

Autumn 1918

The decisive events in the First World War took place in the fall. The Entente countries, together with the United States, went on the offensive. The German army was completely driven out of France and Belgium. In October, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria concluded a truce with the Entente, and Germany was left to fight alone. Her situation was hopeless after the German allies in the Triple Alliance essentially capitulated. This resulted in the same thing that happened in Russia - a revolution. On November 9, 1918, Emperor Wilhelm II was overthrown.

End of the First World War

On November 11, 1918, the First World War of 1914-1918 ended. Germany signed a complete surrender. This happened near Paris, in the Compiègne forest, at the Retonde station. The surrender was accepted by the French Marshal Foch. The terms of the signed peace were as follows:

• Germany admits complete defeat in the war.
• The return of the province of Alsace and Lorraine to France to the borders of 1870, as well as the transfer of the Saar coal basin.
• Germany lost all its colonial possessions, and was also obliged to transfer 1/8 of its territory to its geographical neighbors.
• For 15 years, the Entente troops were on the left bank of the Rhine.
• By May 1, 1921, Germany had to pay members of the Entente (Russia was not entitled to anything) 20 billion marks in gold, goods, securities, etc.
• Germany must pay reparations for 30 years, and the amount of these reparations is determined by the winners themselves and can be increased at any time during these 30 years.
• Germany was prohibited from having an army of more than 100 thousand people, and the army had to be exclusively voluntary.

The terms of the “peace” were so humiliating for Germany that the country actually became a puppet. Therefore, many people of that time said that although the First World War was over, it did not end in peace, but in a truce for 30 years. That’s how it ultimately turned out...

Results of the First World War

The First World War was fought on the territory of 14 states. Countries with a total population of over 1 billion people took part in it (this is approximately 62% of the entire world population at that time). In total, 74 million people were mobilized by the participating countries, of whom 10 million died and another 20 million were injured.

As a result of the war, the political map of Europe changed significantly. Such independent states as Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, Estonia, Finland, and Albania appeared. Austro-Hungary split into Austria, Hungary and Czechoslovakia. Romania, Greece, France, and Italy have increased their borders. There were 5 countries that lost and lost territory: Germany, Austria-Hungary, Bulgaria, Turkey and Russia.

Map of the First World War 1914-1918