Biography of Petliura – from Simon to the Mogila. Simon Petlyura - creator of the armed forces of Ukraine, head of the directorate of the UNR

Simon Vasilyevich Petlyura (1879 - 1926) - Ukrainian political and military leader, freemason, not recognized as a “brother”. Adhering to left-wing nationalist views, he dedicated his life to the idea of ​​liberating Ukraine. To escape from the “triangle of death,” Petliura gave part of the Ukrainian lands to Poland, but he made a mistake - she soon concluded an agreement with Russia. For the rest of his years he was forced to hide in Paris. Where he was brutally murdered by a man who believed that Symon Petliura was responsible for the genocide of the Jewish people.

Simon Petlyura was born in Poltava, in large family charioteer. Primary education the boy received his education at a parochial school, and from 1895 he studied at a theological seminary. Then he became interested in the socialist movement, which spread its influence to Ukraine from Europe and the Russian Empire.
In Ukraine, this movement had its own characteristics: young people kept the Manifesto of the Communist Party in one pocket, and Shevchenko’s “Kobzar” in the other. In 1900, Petliura joined this movement. In 1903, the young revolutionary Petlyura moved to Lvov. In 1911, he founded the magazine “Ukrainian Life”, where he became editor-in-chief. When it struck February Revolution In 1917, Symon Petliura plunged into the maelstrom of events, becoming one of the leading political figures in Ukraine - Secretary of Military Affairs. At the end of December 1917, he quarreled with General Secretary V. Vinnychenko and left the government. In 1918, a hetman's coup took place, but Petliura continued to criticize the activities of this government. The patience of the authorities came to a limit, and in July 1918 Symon Petliura was arrested and imprisoned for four months. In the fall of 1918, the Ukrainian army found itself in the “triangle of death”, surrounded by the white army of A. Denikin, Bolshevik troops and the Polish army of General J. Haller. Then Symon Petlyura was released and, taking the reins of power in Ukraine into his own hands, convened a military meeting on December 4, 1918. He decided that in this situation it was necessary to fight using guerrilla methods. In addition, Petliura compromised with the Poles and accepted their conditions. He gave Poland part of the western lands - 162 thousand square meters. km with 11 million citizens. However, this sacrifice was in vain. The Polish government soon concluded an agreement with Soviet Russia.
Simon Petlyura fled to Warsaw. Soviet power reigned in Ukraine, and in 1923 the government of Soviet Ukraine demanded that Poland extradite the enemy of the people, Petlyura. As a result, Petliura and her family had to flee to Vienna and then to Paris. There Simon continued to actively conduct nationalist activities and was engaged in journalism. On May 25, 1926, Symon Petlyura was killed by a Jewish anarchist who believed that he should pay for the Jewish pogroms. This happened on one of the Parisian streets, when Petlyura stopped near the window of a bookstore. A man in a work blouse caught up with him and called him by name. Simon turned around and the man pulled out a revolver and opened fire. Turning pale from pain and fear, Simon only managed to shout: “Enough! Enough!”, but the killer fired several more fatal bullets. The criminal then surrendered to the police without resisting. The identity of the shooter was immediately established - it was Samuel Schwartzbard, a Jew, for a long time lived in Ukraine. He stated that he wanted to avenge the death of his loved ones who died at the hands of the Petliurists.
According to some sources, the killer was personally acquainted with Nestor Makhno. Makhno himself, when speaking at the trial, stated that he tried to dissuade Schwartzbard from killing him, since he did not consider Petliura an anti-Semite. Realizing that his comrade-in-arms would still decide to kill, Makhno tried to warn Petlyura, but this did not help either. The killer's lawyer put forward the following version of the defense: 15 relatives of Schwarzbard, including his parents, were killed by Petliurists in Ukraine during pogroms against Jews. The lawyer believed that even if these pogroms took place without Petlyura’s knowledge, he still bore personal responsibility for the crime, being the head of state. Ukrainian historian Dmitry Tabachnik claims that the archives of Berlin contain about 500 documents that contain evidence of Petliura’s personal involvement in the pogroms. There are similar opinions of other historians on this topic. Petliura’s associates presented more than 200 documents to the trial, irrefutably demonstrating that Petliura harshly suppressed all manifestations of anti-Semitism in his army. For example, on March 20, 1920, he ordered the execution of 22-year-old Ataman Semesenko because he gave the order to his “Zaporozhian Brigade” to exterminate the entire Jewish population in the city of Proskurovo. His 500 thugs, divided into three groups, broke into houses and massacred entire families, not even sparing young children. More than a thousand people were killed during the day, mostly with bladed weapons. Only Orthodox priest they killed him with a bullet when he, holding a cross in his hands, tried to stop the fanatics. It was reported that because of this crime, on March 20, 1920, on the orders of Petlyura, the ataman was shot. Witnesses A. Chomsky and P. Langevin, who spoke on the side of the defense, testified that the “trial” and “sentence” were staged, and Semesenko was secretly released on the orders of Petlyura. The lawyer also proved that most of the documents allegedly proving Petliura’s non-involvement in the pogroms were drawn up after the expulsion of the Petliuraites from Ukraine and were not signed by Petliura at all. This version was also accepted by the French court, which acquitted the killer. In turn, leaders of the Ukrainian emigration almost unanimously (with a few exceptions) rejected the accusation of pogroms and declared Schwartzbard an agent of the GPU, and Petliura a patriot of his people.

Who was Simon Petliura and what did he fight for?

There is a category of people who are popularly called “chronic losers.” Any public, political or entrepreneurial activity they are contraindicated. They are capable of ruining any business. Simon Petliura occupies one of the honorable places among them.

Failures began to haunt Symon Petlyura from his youth. The son of a Poltava driver, he did not live up to the hopes of his parents - he did not become a clergyman. He was expelled from the theological seminary when he was already close to graduating. The reason is poor academic performance and chance, but not awakening national consciousness a young seminarian, as Petlyura’s false biographers would later try to play up this event.

In 1900, he joined the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party (RUP). In December 1903, he was arrested as a member of the Black Sea Free Society (Kuban organization of the RUP), but in March 1904 he was released “on bail.”

Before the revolution of 1905–1907, Petliura worked in the Kuban on an expedition to explore the steppe regions. In January 1906 - a delegate of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party (USDRP, former RUP) at the congress of the Galician Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP).

A significant part of Simon Petliura’s life during the inter-revolutionary years (1907–1917) took place in St. Petersburg and Moscow. Here he worked as an accountant at the Rossiya insurance company and, since 1912, worked part-time at the publishing house of the Ukrainian Life magazine, publishing curriculum vitae about Ukrainian figures. At the same time, he participated in the work of the Ukrainian nationalist circles “Kobzar” and “Hromada”.

When did the first one begin? world war, Simon Petlyura joined the charitable organization"All-Russian Union of Zemstvos and Cities", which actively collaborated with the government of the Russian Empire and specialized in consumer services active army. There he made a rapid career - from 1915, chairman of the Main Control Commission, in 1916 - March 1917 - deputy commissioner of the Union on the Western Front. The new positions were not only prestigious, but also gave him the opportunity to provide for his family financially, as well as to dress decently in a paramilitary uniform, which he was proud of as a “military figure.” Then he demonstrated his loyalty to the Russian Empire. In 1914, in the magazine “Ukrainian Life” he published an appeal “War and Ukrainians”, in which he refuted the opinion about the supposed “Austrian orientation” of Ukrainians in Russia, indicated that Ukrainians “will fulfill the duty of citizens of Russia in this difficult time to the end...”, called government and military circles to " tolerant attitude to the Ukrainian population of Austria-Hungary" as part of the national Ukrainian whole associated with Russia."

In Minsk in April 1917, Petliura was elected chairman of the Ukrainian Front Council of Troops Western Front. On April 4–5, 1917, he participated in the conference of the USDRP, which decided to support the Provisional Government, the principle of a federal structure of the Russian Republic and confirmed the party’s demand for the autonomy of Ukraine as “the first, urgent, urgent task ... of the proletariat and all of Ukraine.”

The Ukrainian Council of the Western Front delegated Symon Petlyura to the 1st Ukrainian Military Congress, which was held in Kyiv on May 18–21, 1917. The congress created the General Military Committee under the Central Rada, which was headed by Symon Petliura. The committee adopted a resolution to preserve the front and proclaimed the immediate Ukrainization of the army on a national-territorial basis.

Simon Petliura took the post of head of the General Military Committee thanks to a happy coincidence of circumstances for him. Already in exile, Vladimir Vinnichenko wrote that Petliura was elected to the “military committee” not because of his affiliation with the army, but because he “declared himself a member of the Social Democratic Party.” In reality, Petliura was once in the Social Democratic Party, then during the reaction, like many other former “revolutionaries,” he left it, not wanting to take part in its illegal organizations, and even declared before the revolution itself that does not belong to the party. The desire to make a career returned Petliura to the Social Democratic Party.

“Simon Petliura,” explained Vladimir Vinnychenko, “received this post thanks to our national poverty at that time... The Central Rada could not form a government simply because of the lack of relevant people, and then... it’s funny to say, due to the lack of adults. The largest Ukrainian party at that time (the Socialist Revolutionary Party) could not nominate candidates for ministers older in age 25 years... And I, as the head of the government and the Central Committee of the Party (Ukrainian Social Democrats - Author's note), for its prestige, I had to grab onto everyone who declared themselves a supporter or member of Social Democracy. Therefore, when Petliura later came to Kyiv from the front as a delegate of some military unit of the Russian army and when he declared that he wanted to return to the Social Democratic Party, I ... “forgot”, “forgave” him for his renegade and “victorious end” and introduced him to the Central Council, and the Central Committee of the Social Democratic Party, on my recommendation, nominated him for the unoccupied (due to lack of people) post of General Secretary for Military Affairs (until a better candidate is found). Not because S. Petlyura understood military affairs, not because he showed any inclinations towards war, no (again, it’s embarrassing to say), simply because he wore a military uniform and was a delegate from the front. He was not even an officer or a soldier, but some kind of “official” - a manager of the Russian “Union of Zemstvos and Cities”, dressed in a soldier’s uniform.”

Another of his former comrades, Isaac Mazepa, spoke about how Simon Petliura prepared himself for future state and political activities. The latter knew Petliura since 1906, and met him in St. Petersburg, at meetings of the local organization of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party.

“At that time, the Social Democratic monthly Vshna Ukrasha was published in St. Petersburg, one of the editors of which was Petlyura. I remember on the pages “Lousy! Decorate” Petliura conducted mainly a review of internal life and a literary chronicle. As a member of the Ukrainian club in St. Petersburg, he gave abstracts there almost exclusively on topics about Ukrainian literature, theater, etc. In general, from conversations with him at various meetings, first in St. Petersburg, and then in 1907 in Kiev during the I congress Ukrainian Social Democratic Party, in which I participated as a delegate from the St. Petersburg organization, I observed that at that time he was more interested in issues of literature and art. In matters of socialist theory, political and economic, he was inferior to many other party members.” This is the kind of war minister that independent Ukraine received in 1917.

But after joining the Central Rada, Petlyura declared his readiness to defend its political principles, in other words, he was in favor of a federation with Russia while the bourgeois Provisional Government was in power, and became a separatist - “independent” when, as a result of the October Revolution, power passed to the Soviets .

When on June 28, 1917, the Central Rada created an executive body - the General Secretariat, Petlyura was appointed General Secretary for Military Affairs, but the Provisional Government did not approve this post. Petliura, like other leaders of the USDRP, who determined military policy Central Rada, seen in regular army an instrument of domination of the bourgeois classes. Petlyura’s activities did not go further than the Ukrainization of units in the Russian army, as he was afraid of deepening the contradictions between Kiev and Moscow, which could negatively affect the declaration of autonomy of Ukraine and contribute to the “break of the united revolutionary front.” Simon Petliura was even elected a member of the Constituent Assembly.

According to the recollections of contemporaries, Petliura was not strong in conducting discussions, but willingly spoke at rallies, where it was necessary not to prove, but to ignite hearts with bright slogans. He was active, energetic, and knew how to win people over. V. Korolev, an associate of Petliura, described his boss as follows:

“Really, what explains the boundless moral influence of S. Petlyura? Without a doubt, it is his enormous energy, his fanatical love for the country, his sincere democracy and his deep faith in the strength of the nation, not to mention his honesty and selflessness, recognized even by his enemies."

The day after October Revolution at a closed meeting of the Small Rada, the Ukrainian General Military Committee, the All-Ukrainian Council of Workers' Deputies, the Kyiv Council of Workers' Deputies and others public organizations The Regional Committee for the Protection of the Revolution in Ukraine was formed, to which all the forces of revolutionary democracy were subordinate. One of its members was Simon Petliura.

On November 15, 1917, the Central Rada appointed him Secretary General of Military Affairs of Ukraine. On the same day, Petliura reported to the General Staff Russian army, to military units and institutions, that military power in Ukraine, with the exception of the front, passed into his hands.

By order of Petlyura, from December 1, 1917, Ukrainianized military units located outside Ukraine (in the Moscow and Kazan military districts) were reassigned to local Ukrainian military councils, and in Petrograd - to the Ukrainian Petrograd military headquarters with the aim of returning to Ukraine.

In an effort to “prevent” further Bolshevisation of troops and an uprising on the territory of Ukraine, on the night of November 30 to December 1, 1917, by order of Petlyura, many units of the Russian army stationed in Ukraine were disarmed, and the soldiers were expelled to Russia.

At the same time, the General Secretariat turned to the emerging governments of Moldova, Crimea, Bashkiria, the Caucasus, Siberia, the South-Eastern Cossack Union and others with a proposal to form, in contrast to the government of Soviet Russia, an All-Russian Federal Government.

The Don government, by agreement with Petliura, sent Ukrainian units to Ukraine and received reinforcements for the troops of General A. M. Kaledin, transported through the territory of Ukraine. This was the main reason for Lenin’s “Manifesto to the Ukrainian people with ultimatum demands to the Ukrainian Rada” written on December 3, 1917 and transmitted on the night of December 4 by telephone and military actions Soviet troops against the Ukrainian People's Republic (UNR).

On December 4, 1917, after receiving the manifesto of the Council of People's Commissars at the Congress of Soviets of the RSKD of Ukraine in Kyiv, Petliura, without reading its text, declared:

“... the Bolsheviks are preparing a stab in the back for the Ukrainian People’s Republic; they are concentrating their troops in Volyn, Gomel and Bryansk to march on Ukraine. Thus, the Ukrainian government is forced to take measures for defense and call on the Free Cossacks to help the army.”

At the same time, Vladimir Vinnychenko and Symon Petliura addressed an appeal “To the army of the Ukrainian (Southwestern and Romanian) front and rear,” which indicated that the General Secretariat had taken measures to reorganize the army on new democratic principles.

The political leadership of the Central Rada suspected the senior officers of the tsarist army, who offered their services to the UPR, of intentions of a right-wing coup. Petliura disbanded and sent the 1st Ukrainian Corps of General Pavel Skoropadsky to the front, to which units of the Free Cossacks joined.

An adherent of the Entente orientation, Simon Petlyura, after the decision of the Central Council to join the peace negotiations in Brest-Litovsk and invite German and Austro-Hungarian troops to Ukraine, and also because of disagreements with the head of government Vinnychenko, on December 31, 1917, resigned from the post of Minister of War .

He left his post without much regret. He retained the title of “Head Ataman” and made good money. In December 1917, a French emissary met with him and handed him a large sum of money for the formation of the Haidamak units. Paris was interested in Ukraine continuing the war with Germany.

The retired minister of war goes to the Poltava region to form a Haidamak unit with French money. There he comes into contact with the local chieftain Omelyan Volokh and in January 1918, to mutual satisfaction, his detachment is declared the “Gaydamat Kosh of Sloboda Ukraine.”

Kosh consisted of two kurens - red and black haidamaks, a horse ataman hundred and an artillery battery. The Kosh personnel were formed by volunteers, mainly foremen and Cossacks of Kyiv military schools. In March 1918, Kosh was expanded to the Gaydamat Infantry Regiment (commanded by Colonel Vladimir Sikevich) and included in the Zaporozhye Corps. In June 1918, the regiment was reorganized into the Gaidamak brigade with a cannon division and a hundred cavalry. The brigade was commanded by Ataman Omelyan Volokh.

With this army in January 1918, Petlyura, on his own initiative, came to the rescue of the Central Rada, when on its side - as a military force - only the “Galician-Volynsky Kuren” of Yevhen Konovalets, the future leader of Western Ukrainian nationalists, remained.

The Petliurists brutally suppressed the uprising of workers at the Arsenal plant - more than 1,500 people were hanged and shot. But this could not save the Central Rada. Two days later she fled from Kyiv under pressure from advancing Red Army units. Petliura’s “Kosh” covered the retreat of the Central Rada to the front-line town of Sarny. From here, in the opposite direction, Petliura marched with his haidamaks in front of the German occupation forces. The German command allowed Petlyura to be the first to enter Kyiv and even stage a parade of his Haidamaks on Sophia Square. This is how the legend of Petliura, the “liberator of Ukraine,” was created. It will find its development in the subsequent stages of S. Petliura’s state-political and military career, not without the participation of interested parties.

Assessing this event, Simon Petlyura wrote in 1925:

“We just need to remember one thing: if the Central Rada had not invited the Germans, they would have come to us themselves. The Germans were very great strength... And since they knew well that there was no longer a front, and in Ukraine there was also neither a large, disciplined army, nor a firm government, then their road to us would be free: no one would stop them.”

In April 1918, Simon Petlyura was elected head of the Kyiv provincial zemstvo and the All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos. After the dispersal of the Central Rada and Skoropadsky's coming to power, the new administration launched persecution of democratic zemstvos and self-government, arrests and punitive expeditions began against the peasantry involved in the destruction of landowners' estates. The All-Ukrainian Union of Zemstvos, headed by Petlyura, was in open opposition to the government of Pavel Skoropadsky.

In May 1918, a memorandum signed by Petliura was sent to the German, Austro-Hungarian and Bulgarian ambassadors to the Ukrainian state, which stated violations state power democratic freedoms, attention was drawn to punitive actions against the Ukrainian peasantry, arrests and harassment of political and zemstvo leaders.

On June 16, 1918, the All-Ukrainian Zemstvo Congress adopted a document sent to Skoropadsky, which emphasized that “further continuation by the highest authorities of an anti-democratic, anti-national and anti-state policy threatens with grave consequences and excludes any possibility of cooperation between people’s self-government and this government.”

It is clear that the authorities’ patience did not last forever. On July 27, 1918, Symon Petliura was arrested on suspicion of an anti-government conspiracy and participation in the activities of the Ukrainian National Union (UNS). He was in prison for a relatively short time. On November 13, 1918, with the beginning of the change of power in Kyiv, he was released and the next day he left for Bila Tserkva, from where he led an armed uprising against the hetman’s regime. He was elected a member of the Directory in Kyiv (in absentia) and led the UPR army.

Simon Petlyura did not miss an opportunity for self-promotion and self-praise. Wherever he appeared with his army, parades and divine services were certainly organized there. Thus, on the occasion of the fall of the hetmanate in Kyiv, a ceremonial arch was built and a pompous parade was held; for two weeks after this, orgies did not stop in the form of so-called dinners, evenings, banquets, at which Petliura the “liberator” and his atamans were glorified. Meanwhile, the city was placed under siege. All gatherings are prohibited. The press is under strict control. Professional and other workers' organizations were dispersed and their records were destroyed. The Petliura punitive units, pursuing the Bolsheviks, shot their victims without investigation or trial.

In the Petlyura army, poorly organized and undisciplined, defending who knows who and who knows what, there were only two forces that kept it from complete collapse and self-destruction: the authority of the Head Ataman and the opportunity to plunder. Ideological, national motives did not last long. There was a smell of a big pogrom in the air, and small ones were already going everywhere.

Under pressure from the Red Army, the Directory left Kyiv on February 2, 1919 and moved to Vinnitsa. Soon, Prime Minister Vladimir Vinnychenko resigned, and from February 11, 1919, Symon Petliura actually concentrated civil and military power in his hands. Now he was responsible for everything and managed, as far as possible, everything.

Convinced Ukrainian nationalist, Simon Petlyura dreamed of national unity of all social groups, trying not to notice the acute contradictions between peasants and large landowners, from whom the land was then taken away and divided (immediately after February), and then almost all was returned, taken from the peasants who had just received it (at Skoropadsky). Now the “third redistribution” began: a lot for two years of freedom.

Simon Petliura was not a great politician, but he was quite brave and prone to romance. After all, this is how everything started well: and “Ridna Mova” sounded everywhere, kobzars and bandura players appeared from somewhere, the army began to resemble Bogdan’s army with its clothes, mustaches and hairstyles.

And they did not want to offend other nations; they created a special Secretariat for National Affairs, in which the vice-secretary for Jewish affairs there was Moses Zilberfarb - this was still under the Rada and the hetman. Under the Directory, an entire ministry for Jewish affairs appeared, headed by Abraham Revutsky, which occupied one room in the hotel (December 1918 - February 1919). Revutsky tried to do something to stop the pogroms, but achieved nothing. He was replaced by Pinchas the Red, who played the role not of a minister, but of a lackey under Simon Petlyura. Then he fled to the Reds.

In the cities, a noticeable part of the population was oriented towards the Bolsheviks with their slogans, attractive in their simplicity, but Petliura opposed any peace negotiations with Soviet Russia. As a result of bloody battles in 1919, the Red Army first occupied Kyiv, and then drove Petliura’s troops into Poland.

Petliura’s orientation towards the Entente resulted in direct bargaining over the interests of Ukraine. For providing military assistance “for the joint fight against the Bolsheviks,” the French side in March 1919 demanded from the Directory the formation of an army of 300 thousand people and its subordination to its command. A three-month period was allotted for this. To be transferred to French control railways and finances of Ukraine. The Directory should have turned to France with a request to accept Ukraine under its protectorate. This was prevented by the offensive of the Red Army, which ended with the expulsion of the invaders from Ukrainian soil.

As the situation changed, Petlyura’s orientation also changed. Now he preferred rapprochement with Pilsudski, who was waiting for an opportunity to invade the territory of Ukraine with his troops and implement the plan to create a great Poland “from sea to sea.” Contacts with the Polish government established at the initiative of the head of the Directory led to the signing of an agreement on May 24, 1919, which recorded Petliura’s request to Poland “to provide assistance and support.” Petliura accepted “the obligation to conclude an agreement with the Polish government that would be based on the following basic principles: the renunciation of his government’s “rights” to Eastern Galicia; recognition of Western Volyn “an integral part of Poland”, unification “to fight the Bolsheviks” and organization for this purpose of “Ukrainian armed forces with the help and support of Polish troops”; the subordination of the UPR to Poland in foreign policy affairs; update; preservation and development of all national and economic characteristics of the Polish population in Ukraine.

These conditions formed the basis of those signed on behalf of Petliura and the Pilsud Treaty of April 21, 1920, and the Military Convention of April 24 of the same year.

While conspiring with Pilsudski, Petlyura at the same time makes an attempt to find a common language with Denikin. He sends his delegation to meet the Volunteer Army, which was moving towards Kyiv. When meeting with units of Denikin’s army, he orders his troops, who were moving towards the same goal, not to get involved “in an enemy action.” Nevertheless, the incident could not be avoided. An armed clash between Petliurists and Denikinists took place on August 31, 1919 in Kyiv itself, where both “victorious armies” met. The reason was an insult to the tricolor Denikin banner by one of the Petliurists who had gathered for the ceremonial parade. After this incident, the Galician army began to fight Denikin. The forces were unequal, and at the beginning of November 1919, Petliura capitulated to Denikin’s troops, secretly signing a corresponding agreement with them.

In fact, this meant the end of the political and military career of Symon Petliura. First, three atamans left Petliura, taking his treasury with them. On December 5, 1919, under the cover of darkness, Simon Petlyura left for Warsaw. From that time on, he completely came under the patronage of Pilsudski, for which he paid him by signing the Warsaw Pact and the Military Convention, as well as by participating in the adventuristic campaign against Kyiv. The so-called Warsaw Pact, secretly signed on April 21, 1920, even from the position of emigrant circles, represents an act of national treason. According to this “agreement,” a fifth of the territory of Ukraine with a population of about 9 million people went to Poland.

When Pilsudski found himself in a position that forced him to agree to peace with the Soviet republics of Russia and Ukraine, he cared least about Petlyura. The latter had to decide his own fate. And he joined Baron Wrangel as a mercenary. The joint anti-Soviet offensive of Petliura’s troops and the units of the White Guard generals Peremykin and Yakovlev, formed in Poland, in November 1920 was unsuccessful. It was not supported by the actions of Wrangel’s troops in Crimea, who suffered a crushing defeat from units of the Red Army.

The Petliurists, together with their allies, retreated across the Zbruch River and laid down their arms on November 10, 1920.

However, even after this, Petliura’s gangs repeatedly committed robbery attacks on Soviet soil. Eventually the time came when the Polish government was forced to cease all anti-Soviet activities on its territory, as required by the terms of the Treaty of Riga. The Petliurists, hetmans and other bankrupt contenders for the all-Ukrainian throne were forced to look for a more convenient shelter for themselves.

So, by the will of fate, Petliura ended up in Paris, where he was sheltered by a Masonic lodge. Here, on May 25, 1926, in the Latin Quarter, he was killed with a pistol shot by a man who called himself Samuel Schwartzbard. A former Makhnovist anarchist, he said that he acted out of revenge, considering Petliura the main culprit of the Jewish pogroms in Ukraine in 1919–1920, which claimed the lives of thousands of innocent people, including many relatives of Schwartzbard himself. The investigation, which lasted more than 16 months, fully confirmed this statement. Based on the evidence collected, the Paris jury found Schwartzbard innocent and acquitted him.

Yuri Barabash is a famous performer of Russian chanson. For fans of his musical work, he is known as Petliura. Yuri Barabash, whose biography is eventful, not only performed songs, but was also their author. But the rich life of this creative person ended very tragically.

Childhood

Yuri was born in mid-April 1974. His entire family lived in Stavropol region. In addition to him, the family of Vladislav and Tamara Barabash already raised a daughter, Lolita.

Yuri's parents were constantly busy with their work. The father of the future singer is an officer navy, and my mother first worked at the local puppet theater, and then got a job at the Stavropol Philharmonic.

Education

Yuri Barabash, whose biography interests fans of his work, went to first grade in his hometown. But already in 1982 the whole family was forced to move to Stavropol. The reason for the move was my sister's illness. Doctors found Lolita, who was two years older than Yuri, heart disease. They recommended moving to Stavropol.

Considering detailed biography Yuri Barabash, it is worth noting that after his admission to secondary school, teachers had a lot of problems with him. On the February holidays of 1984, almost immediately after the move, the boy’s father died. From then on he did not listen to anyone, and at school he was considered a difficult teenager.

Stage name

Yuri Barabash, whose biography is interesting to fans of his work, received his pseudonym Petlyura while still at school. He caused a lot of trouble to his teachers and grew up as a bully boy. It was for his hooligan behavior that the future singer received the nickname Yura-Petliura.

Beginning of musical activity

Yuri Barabash never studied music anywhere. He was self-taught. So, he learned to play the guitar on his own. He made his first musical recordings at home. One day they were heard by Andrei Razin, who at that time was the producer of the famous and popular group “Tender May”. Razin invited Yuri to his music studio.

It is known that Yuri Vladislavovich’s voice was often confused with the soloist of “Tender May”. Petlyura did not like the comparison with Yuri Shatunov. But still, since 1992 he became a soloist new group"Yura Orlov" Although his activities here lasted only a few months. Soon Petliura (Yuri Barabash), whose biography is eventful, left the group.

Solo career

When Yuri leaves Razin, he decides to start his solo career. He quickly becomes famous as a chanson performer. And soon he was already performing under his stage name - Petlyura.

In 1993, his first album, “Let’s Sing, Zhigan,” was released, which immediately made the young performer and songwriter famous. His work from this period of his life can be attributed to thieves' lyrics. By the way, this album is perfect for learning to play the guitar, since Petlyura used the simplest “pop” style. IN next year he releases another album, “Benya the Raider.” It is known that all of these first music albums were recorded in a home studio.

And two years later in the life and musical career of the young artist comes new period. Petlyura (Yuri Vladislavovich Barabash) enters into a lucrative contract with Sevostyanov’s company. In the music company "Master Sound", many previous songs of the young, talented author and performer were re-recorded.

The music albums “Fast Train”, “Little One” and others were now recorded on high-quality and professional equipment. The album "Fast Train" is considered the most famous musical work Petlyura.

After the release of the music album “Puppets” in 1995, his song “You Stand Alone by the Maple Tree” becomes very popular. A beautiful and melodic song cannot help but excite. This song describes true story, which later happened to the composer himself. After his death, the girl came to him, not knowing about his death, and Yuri’s mother reported that her lover was no longer there. The young performer seemed to feel that this would happen and wrote about it in his song.

His songs were recorded on cassettes and then on discs. Petliura’s musical creations, especially the song “Rain,” were played at discos, and Yuri composed and sang everything. His musical creations were even played on Russian Radio.

Unofficial folklore occupies a special place in the work of Yuri Barabash. At that time, Petlyura’s repertoire included not only “street songs”, but also “urban romance”. For example, these were songs such as “Alyoshka” or “Chicken”. Petliura’s song “White Dress”, “Knitted Jacket” and others were widely known. These songs had everything: people, walls, water, birds, torment and joy. Wherever Petliura's songs were heard! They could be heard everywhere. They sounded in courtyards and restaurants, in apartments and in neighborhoods, in hallways and on television.

Yuri Barabash’s song “How Long I Wandered...” became famous after the viewer first heard it in the film “The Boys” directed by D. Asanova. The author of this song was Vitaly Chernitsky, and performed it in the film Petlyura. By the way, this song, like the musical composition “Knitted Jacket”, where the authors were Dorizo ​​and Dolukhanyan, were so popular that they were considered folk songs. The whole country sang these songs at that time.

The pleasant voice of the young performer, in which there were notes of sadness and melancholy, was very popular with the listeners. His songs were so popular that there were many rumors surrounding him. The strange and unexpected death only added to such conversations. And fans of his work could not understand why he no longer sings, why there are no more of his new music albums. There were even suspicions that he was in prison either before his career took off or after his disappearance.

At the very height of his creative career, when he was young, full of strength and plans, Petlyura passed away. This happened, of course, unexpectedly. So, at the end of September 1996, one of the Russian channels in the program “Road Patrol” reported that a traffic accident had occurred on Sevastopolsky Avenue on the night of September twenty-eighth.

The personality of Yuri Barabash, biography, cause of death is interesting to his fans. He was driving a car that was driving through the streets of the capital. Yuri Vladislavovich received his license just a few days ago. The car he was driving didn't even belong to him. There were other passengers in the car who were simply injured in this accident.

When they filmed the story about the accident on the avenue, at that time no one even knew who died. But viewers and fans of his work recognized the idol. The young singer and songwriter was buried in Moscow at the Khovanskoye cemetery.

Ukrainian political and revolutionary figure, head of the Directory of the UPR (Ukrainian People's Republic) from 1919 to 1920.


Born into a petty-bourgeois family in Poltava. He studied at the Poltava Theological Seminary. In 1900 he joined the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party. He worked as a journalist, adhered to left-wing nationalist views, and was one of the founders and leaders of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Labor Party.

During the First World War, he worked in the All-Russian Union of Zemstvos and Cities, created in 1914 to help the government Russian Empire in organizing army supplies. After the proclamation of the Ukrainian People's Republic, he became the military secretary of the new government, but soon resigned. Participated in battles with the Red Army.

After the establishment of the dictatorship of Hetman Skoropadsky (Ukrainian State) he was in opposition to the new regime. In November 1918 he raised an uprising against Skoropadsky, and on December 14 his militia occupied Kyiv. Ukrainian People's Republic was restored, Vladimir Vinnichenko became its head.

On February 10, 1919, after the resignation of Vinnychenko, he actually became the sole dictator of Ukraine. He formed a new army of the UPR, which tried to stop the Red Army’s seizure of the entire territory of Ukraine. He tried to come to an agreement with the White Guard command of the AFSR on joint actions against the Bolsheviks, but was not successful.

In 1920, after the defeat of Petliura’s army in the Soviet-Polish War (Petliura was an ally of Pilsudski), he emigrated to Poland.

Petliura's grave at the Montparnasse cemetery in Paris

In 1923, the USSR demanded Petliura's extradition, so he moved to Hungary, then Austria, Switzerland and finally France.

Murder of Petliura

Petlyura was killed on May 25, 1926 by the anarchist S. Shvartsburd, who, according to Soviet legend, avenged 15 of his relatives, including his parents, killed in Ukraine by Petliurists during the Jewish pogroms. Schwartzburd was completely acquitted by a French jury.

However, there is a number of documentary evidence that the organizers of the pogroms were the Bolsheviks (and before the revolution, the Black Hundreds) and gangs of “Otamans”. Simon Petliura, as head of state, signed several orders against the pogromists. In 1919 the Bolsheviks were not interested in good relations between Ukrainians and Jews, pogroms became one of the main ways to destabilize the situation in the republic, especially if the Petliurites are blamed for this. A number of historians believe that Shvartsburd was an agent of the Soviet security agencies, since Petliura was still dangerous for the USSR.

From S. Petlyura’s address to the people dated March 18, 1921: “The Jewish population - small traders, artisans and workers - who, like all workers, earn a piece of bread with their labor, are also offended and robbed by the Bolshevik order. Goods from merchants' stores, tools and machines from craftsmen are taken for the commune. Isn't this ruinous for the Jewish population? Can the robbed Jewish population, dying of hunger, rejoice at the Bolshevik robbers? No. The Jewish population, just like you peasants, is waiting and will not wait for liberation from the communist robbers.”

Myths

Since Soviet times, the myth of Petlyura’s pathological Russophobia has been widespread. At the same time, his head of personal security and counterintelligence was a Russian (surname) Chebotarev, and the Minister of Justice was a Russian (surname) Shelukhin.

In Soviet historiography, in encyclopedias and dictionaries, Simon (Semyon) Petlyura is presented as a counter-revolutionary, although in the government of the directory he represented the Social Democratic Party and made decisions together with the very left and revolutionary Social Democrats (with the same Vinnichenko) and Socialist Revolutionaries.

Victor Petliura is a popular performer of Russian chanson, musician, poet, born in sunny Simferopol on October 30, 1975.

Childhood

His parents loved music, but did not study it seriously. Nobody remembers where the guitar came from in the house, but the boy with early childhood began to show interest in her. However, the parents did not see any bright creative abilities in their son, so he grew up as an ordinary yard tomboy.

However, by communicating with older kids and picking the strings after lessons, by the age of 11, Victor had learned to play this instrument quite well. Moreover, the guys with the guitar had no end to the girls, and Victor liked to be the center of attention.

Gradually, a whole group was formed from such musical boys, whose repertoire included very different genres of music - from folk to chanson.

IN adolescence He, naturally, fell in love for the first time, and then his creative talent began to fully reveal itself. Victor began to compose lyrical poems and set them to his own music. This is how the first, largely naive songs were born, which further increased his popularity.

The first feelings did not develop into a serious relationship, but they gave impetus to the development of a musical career. By this time, the boy had already entered a music school and understood that it was with music that he planned to connect his destiny in the future. This means you need to do it professionally.

Career

Victor considers performances in a club at one of the Simferopol factories to be the beginning of his career. The guys were invited there by his leader, who accidentally heard them on the street. The boys were provided with premises and equipment for rehearsals, and they took part in all club events.

Gradually the group's repertoire expanded, and the young team gained popularity in the city. After school, the whole group decided to continue their studies at a music school, and in the evenings they played in the best restaurants in the city, earning quite decent money at that time.

But this was not enough for Victor - he wanted to make music on a completely different level. He begins to raise funds for the release of his debut album and select songs for it. This long-awaited event took place in 1999. The album “Blue-Eyed” includes his most favorite compositions. The small edition was immediately sold out, but it did not bring super popularity to the author.

Inspired by success, a year later Victor released a new album, “You Can’t Get Back.” With such a repertoire, the group begins to actively tour and perform at music competitions and festivals. Listeners like the discs, but not Petlyura himself. They recorded in a studio equipped for performing pop or rock and roll.

Then he decides to open his own studio and soon makes it a reality. Now created for the team ideal conditions for work. By that time, it already had a permanent staff of real professionals, where everyone knows and loves their job. Petliura believes that in people - main secret his success.

Currently, the artist's discography includes 13 full-length albums. He successfully tours throughout the CIS and foreign countries and is one of the most fashionable and sought-after chanson performers. His studio is also popular. Many famous Russian performers have already worked on it.

Personal life

Already in his early youth, Victor was very popular among girls. And not only thanks to the guitar. He was very charming and at the same time had a strong masculine character, which allowed him to always achieve his goals. He often fell in love, but preferred serious long-term relationships.

He was not yet 20 when he experienced a real tragedy - almost before his eyes, in the restaurant where Victor worked, a stray bullet from gang violence, which often happened in the 90s, took the life of his bride. The girl died just a few weeks before the planned wedding.

On long months Victor plunged into severe depression. And only the support of the team and responsibility towards it forced him to return to creativity again and normal life. Although this tragedy left a deep scar on Victor's heart, after a while it thawed.

Now the artist is already in his second marriage. The first union broke up shortly after the birth of his son, and Victor prefers not to talk about the reasons for the breakup. His second wife, a former financier, completely took upon herself the organization of tours and concerts of her husband and his team. She is his right hand and a faithful ally.

With his second wife

They have no children together, but Natalya’s son from her first marriage quickly found a common language with Victor’s own son from his first wife. The boys often spend time with their father, and he is happy that he does not have to be torn between them. But his busy schedule does not allow him to stay at home as often as he would like.

By the way, the musician is often confused with his former colleague, Yuri Barabash, who performed in the early 90s under the pseudonym “Petliura”. That musician died at a young age, crashing on one of the flights. And Victor has a real last name, although sometimes he even has to show his passport to prove it to particularly distrustful journalists.